Since the original Treaty of Rome, the EU’s commitment to gender equality has
waxed and waned over the years, being stronger in periods of economic growth and
labour shortage and withering away in periods of low growth, crisis and austerity
(Smith and Villa, 2013).
Perhaps the high point for gender equality policies was the decision in 2000 to
enshrine gender mainstreaming in the Lisbon Treaty, which requires that policies
and measures should “actively and openly take into account at the planning stage
their possible effects on the respective situations of men and women” (EC, 1996).
Subsequently, allegiance towards gender equality has weakened in both EU policies
and practice, as analysis of recent EU policy documents shows. Attention to gender
issues has become less effective than in previous decades, indicating that social
policies remain subordinate to economic ones especially the SGP.
This differential treatment rests on the neoliberal assumption that the economy and
economic policies are wealth-creating or productive while social policies are costly
and concerned with redistributing rather than creating wealth, and should therefore
be side-lined while policy focuses on the urgent task of dealing with the crisis and
restoring growth. In the EU Recovery Plan, for example, neither gender nor equality
were mentioned (Bettio et al., 2012). The idea that economic growth can be redistributive
or that social policy can be economically productive are consequently overlooked
(Perrons and Plomien, 2013) - and yet austerity policies are bad for growth
and, as discussed below, have marked gender impacts.
Given the different roles that women and men play in the economy, they have been
affected in different ways by the crisis and austerity. Men were more adversely affected
in the initial aftermath owing to their over-representation in the construction
and manufacturing sectors, but benefitted more from the subsequent expansionary
policies which focused on physical infrastructure.. By contrast, women are badly
affected by austerity policies owing to their over-representation in public sector employment,
among users of public sector services and welfare claimants.
This seems to be the broad picture, though the experience of different countries
varies. In the UK the coalition government is seeking to do more than meet the EU’s
stability targets by completely eliminating the public sector deficit altogether and
reducing the level of government expenditure as a proportion of GDP to 35% – i.e.
to pre-welfare state levels (HM Treasury 2014). Yet House of Commons research
found that in the 2010 budget, 73% of the cuts in public expenditure fell on women
(see also WBG 2014). The groups that gain from these policies are those with higher
income who are largely immune from state welfare spending and creditors whose incomes depend on a stable economy and low levels of inflation. This deflationary
bias has negative effects for employment and the well-being of the majority through
depressing demand.
By Diane Perrons
http://ec.europa.eu/justice/gender-equality/files/documents/vision_report_en.pdf
No comments:
Post a Comment
Note: Only a member of this blog may post a comment.