Wednesday, October 31, 2018

Childhood: when social protection is most crucial



 Early childhood is a pivotal period of accelerated physical, cognitive and psychological development. Experiences during this time can have life-long effects. Yet nearly 1 in 5 children in developing countries were living in extreme poverty in 2016—compared to about 1 in 10 adults (World Bank and UNICEF, 2016).

Available data show that most countries provide periodic cash benefits to children and families. Coverage of such benefits is universal in most developed countries but low in many developing countries, where the needs are greatest. In the last two decades, taxfinanced social assistance has helped extend the reach of programmes to children and families in less developed countries. Some of these programmes, including Argentina’s Universal Child Allowance, Mongolia’s Child Money Programme and South Africa’s Child Support Grant, have achieved high coverage. More typically, such programmes reach only a small proportion of the intended population and expand at a slow pace.

On average, Governments currently invest only 1.1 per cent of their gross domestic product (GDP) in child and family benefits (excluding spending on health). The proportion of GDP benefiting children and families varies widely, ranging from 0.2 per cent in Southern Asia to 2.3 per cent in Western Europe (ILO, 2017a). If child benefits are to have a meaningful impact on the well-being of children—and help close the poverty gap between children and adults—Governments will need to invest additional resources in them.

https://www.un.org/development/desa/dspd/wp-content/uploads/sites/22/2018/07/rwss2018-executive-summary.pdf
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Monday, October 29, 2018

Easing the social exclusion of disadvantaged groups



The impacts of social protection on poverty and inequality are well documented. However, less research has been carried out on its effects on disadvantaged or otherwise vulnerable social groups, some of whom clearly enjoy better coverage than others. Arguably, the most notable advance in recent decades has been the extension of oldage pensions. Close to 68 per cent of older persons received a pension in 2016 (United Nations, 2017a). At the same time, only 28 per cent of persons with severe disabilities received disability benefits, only 35 per cent of children enjoyed social protection, and just 22 per cent of unemployed workers received unemployment benefits (United Nations, 2017a).

Whether social protection addresses the needs of these groups depends on coverage but also on the adequacy of transfers. In some cases, the benefits received may be insufficient to guarantee income security and to close the income gaps among groups. Chapters II to VII highlight some of the disadvantages faced by each group, including gaps in coverage and lessons learned in addressing them

https://www.un.org/development/desa/dspd/wp-content/uploads/sites/22/2018/07/rwss2018-executive-summary.pdf
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Saturday, October 27, 2018

Social protection: a lever to reduce poverty and inequality


The number of people living in extreme poverty—767 million in 2013—would be between 136 million and 165 million higher without social protection transfers (Fiszbein, Kanbur and Yemtsov, 2014). Insofar as social protection helps men and women manage trade-offs between immediate needs and future livelihoods, it supports capital accumulation and investment. When promoting children’s access to health care and school enrolment and attendance, social protection programmes can also help break the vicious cycle of intergenerational poverty.

Social protection not only alleviates poverty. It also promotes the well-being of societies at large. Evidence from across the globe shows that social protection transfers can stimulate demand and boost consumption, thereby promoting economic growth. During economic downturns, for instance, spending on social protection can revive economies and stimulate employment.

Social protection also reduces income inequality. Tax-financed social assistance programmes alone have brought the Gini coefficient (used to measure income inequality) down by more than 10 per cent in countries including Mauritius and Mongolia.3 Contributory social insurance programmes have an even greater equalizing effect in middle- and high-income countries, where coverage is more widespread. In countries of Central Asia and Eastern Europe, for instance, the Gini coefficient is almost 16 per cent lower than it would be in the absence of social insurance schemes.

In developing countries, cash and in-kind transfers have helped increase school enrolment and attendance. They have also improved the health and nutritional status of people in beneficiary households. Health care and other programmes that reduce income insecurity among adults, including unemployment protection, disability benefits and social pensions, have a strong intergenerational impact. Chapter IV discusses the effects of old-age pensions on children’s well-being.

The report calls for more research on the long-term impacts of social protection schemes, including on the dynamics of poverty. Research suggests that temporary cash transfers alone are insufficient to help people permanently escape poverty. It also shows that the positive effects of social protection on poverty can easily be undone by regressive tax systems.

Nearly everyone is at risk of falling into poverty at some point in their lives. The report argues for social protection systems that protect all members of society throughout the life cycle—and that address the risk of poverty, rather than poverty itself. It also makes the case for broad policy efforts, beyond social protection, to promote income redistribution and tackle the root causes of poverty.

https://www.un.org/development/desa/dspd/wp-content/uploads/sites/22/2018/07/rwss2018-executive-summary.pdf
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Thursday, October 25, 2018

PROMOTING INCLUSION THROUGH SOCIAL PROTECTION


Universal social protection is a potent development policy tool that can alleviate poverty, inequality and social exclusion. In fact, few countries have been able to reduce poverty and improve living conditions on a broad scale without comprehensive social protection systems in place.

The 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development underscores the importance of social protection for the attainment of the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs). Target 1.3 addresses the role of social protection in ending poverty in all its forms. Specifically, it seeks the implementation of “nationally appropriate social protection measures and systems for all, including floors”.2 By 2030, the goal is no less than “substantial coverage of the poor and the vulnerable”.

Countries around the world have made noteworthy progress in building and strengthening social protection systems. Still, only 29 per cent of the global population enjoy comprehensive coverage. Even in countries where universal coverage is guaranteed by law, not all segments of the population are reached. Gaps in access and insufficient benefits challenge the effectiveness of social protection to reduce inequality and leave no one behind. Understanding the barriers that diverse groups face in accessing social protection is necessary if substantial coverage is to be ensured for all nations, peoples and segments of society.

The Report on the World Social Situation 2018 examines the contribution of social protection to social inclusion, focusing on seven, often disadvantaged, groups: children, youth, older persons, persons with disabilities, international migrants, ethnic and racial minorities, and indigenous peoples. The report aims to answer three main questions: Who enjoys social protection coverage—and who does not? What are the barriers to effective coverage? And how can social protection programmes be designed and implemented to be sensitive to the needs of disadvantaged groups?

https://www.un.org/development/desa/dspd/wp-content/uploads/sites/22/2018/07/rwss2018-executive-summary.pdf
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Tuesday, October 23, 2018

Turkey: GREVIO’s (Baseline) Evaluation Report. Concluding remarks



349. In conclusion, GREVIO finds that the situation regarding violence against women in Turkey offers a mixed picture, where undeniable evidence of progress coexists with reasons to be concerned. 

350. This analysis cannot be made in isolation from the current context that prevails in Turkey. As previously mentioned in this report, such diverse factors as the draining of resources in the civil service sector that came with the mass dismissal of civil servants following the failed coup attempt, the anti-terror measures and the security operations in South-East Turkey, are not propitious to the fulfilment of women’s right to live a life free from violence. 

351. At the same time, these factors can easily overshadow the less visible reality of the many women and men, in parliament and in line ministries, among civil society and in NGOs, public servants and professionals, whose relentless work aims to make laws and policies to prevent and combat violence against women become reality. 


352. Without clear direction and an unswerving adherence to the principles of gender equality, such efforts and the many legislative and other gains which advanced the cause against violence against women in Turkey risk regressing. In particular, the authorities should take an uncompromising stance against any attempt to culturalise the issue of women’s rights and deflect attention from the root cause of violence against women which lies in the unequal gendered structures in society. 

353. During the evaluation process, GREVIO noted the signs of a tendency which would seem to depart from one of the fundamental principles of the Istanbul Convention, namely the gendered nature of violence against women in all countries. Turkey played a leading role during the negotiations on the Council of Europe Convention on Preventing and Combating Violence against Women and Domestic Violence, which, in its short name – the Istanbul Convention – bears testimony before the international arena of the authorities’ staunch support to its goals. GREVIO can only encourage Turkey to uphold its adherence to the principle of the gendered nature of violence against women as a means to continue to affirm its “ownership” of the Istanbul Convention. 

354. GREVIO requests the national authorities to translate this report into their official national language and to ensure that it is widely disseminated, not only to the relevant state institutions at all levels (national, regional and local), in particular to the government, the ministries and the judiciary, but also to NGOs and other civil society organisations that work in the field of violence against women. 














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Sunday, October 21, 2018

Montenegro: GREVIO’s (Baseline) Evaluation Report. Concluding remarks


261. GREVIO welcomes the many steps taken by the Montenegrin authorities, since its independence in 2006, to align its laws and policies with international standards in the area of promoting gender equality and combating violence against women. More specifically, a range of targeted efforts supported by and in co-operation with the international community present in Montenegro, have led to significant achievements in implementing many of the requirements of the Istanbul Convention. 

262. GREVIO recognises the political willingness displayed by the authorities in Montenegro to intensify the level of compliance with the Istanbul Convention and notes the high level of technical and financial support to this effect provided by intergovernmental organisations and international donors. It welcomes the extensive range of research projects, technical assistance and capacitybuilding exercises in areas of relevance to the Convention, past and present, and carried out and/or funded by the international community. While GREVIO is mindful of the varying economic circumstances of state parties to the Convention and that progress can only be achieved over time, it recalls that the obligation to implement conventional requirements lies with the state party. Essential policies, measures and services must therefore be allocated appropriate state funding. Although some steps are being taken by the Montenegrin authorities to this extent (for example the 50% funding for the new national helpline on domestic violence), many important measures, including the Strategy on Protection from Domestic Violence, do not seem to receive any funding from the government. Almost all NGOs providing essential services for victims of domestic violence are still funded by international donors. The limited financial support available from public funds is further being reduced following the recent changes to the Law on Non-Governmental Organisations. New and more sustainable funding opportunities for the existing women’s specialist support services are not envisaged, despite the evident need to close gaps in terms of their geographical distribution and the forms of violence currently addressed. 

263. While a number of women’s support services exist for victims of domestic violence, these are not readily available in rural areas, and the existing domestic violence shelters are usually filled to capacity. Moreover, GREVIO notes with concern that there are no services for victims of rape and sexual violence nor are there any counselling services and shelters for women and girls fleeing forced marriage. 

264. Regarding the legislative framework in the area of violence against women, GREVIO welcomes the adoption of the Law on Domestic Violence Prevention (LDVP) but notes that it predates the entry into force of the Istanbul Convention in Montenegro and that a number of issues prevail regarding its effective implementation. While it introduces important concepts called for by the Istanbul Convention, such as that of multi-agency co-operation and emergency barring and protection orders, it sets out extremely low sanctions for domestic violence. Introduced with a view to ensuring higher rates of reporting of domestic violence, most domestic violence cases are now prosecuted as misdemeanour offences under the LDVP instead of criminal offences. Criminal convictions are thus rare, and cases prosecuted under the LDVP usually lead to fines or suspended sentences. Incoherence in applying the two parallel legislative frameworks (the LDVP and the Criminal Code) is widespread. At the same time, efforts made by law enforcement agencies and prosecution services to investigate into, record and fully assess the history of abuse that victims experience at the hands of their abusers are low, leaving many incidents of domestic violence unaccounted for. Victims frequently feel disillusioned with the outcome of cases, and there is a widespread tendency among all relevant professionals to encourage victims to reconcile instead of pursuing criminal justice.

265. Such tendencies seem to be the result of generally low levels of awareness of the gendered dimension of domestic violence (as well as those of the other forms of violence covered by the Convention). It is not viewed as a manifestation of unequal power relations between men and women but is frequently linked to alcohol addiction, personality disorders or poverty of the perpetrator. Efforts must be stepped up to address such assumptions and attitudes, in particular where they exist among front-line professionals. GREVIO notes the wide range of training and capacity-building initiatives around domestic violence organised by a variety of actors in the past, and thus calls for a more practical approach involving on-the-job training, training based on protocols and guidelines and incentive schemes to ensure real and lasting change. 

266. Lastly, GREVIO points to the need to ensure higher levels of awareness, sensitisation and capacity-building not only in relation to domestic violence, but in relation to all forms of genderbased violence covered by the Convention, particularly in relation to sexual violence, including rape. This seems to be an area surrounded by taboos as reporting rates for sexual violence are extremely low. 

267. With a view to facilitating the implementation of its suggestions and proposals, GREVIO requests the Montenegrin authorities to translate this report into their official national language(s) and to ensure that it is widely disseminated, not only to the relevant state institutions at all levels (national, regional and local), in particular to the government, the ministries and the judiciary, but also to NGOs and other civil society organisations which work in the field of violence against women. 

https://rm.coe.int/grevio-report-montenegro/16808e5614
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Wednesday, October 17, 2018

Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW)



The Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW), adopted in 1979 by the UN General Assembly, is often described as an international bill of rights for women.  Consisting of a preamble and 30 articles, it defines what constitutes discrimination against women and sets up an agenda for national action to end such discrimination.

The Convention defines discrimination against women as "...any distinction, exclusion or restriction made on the basis of sex which has the effect or purpose of impairing or nullifying the recognition, enjoyment or exercise by women, irrespective of their marital status, on a basis of equality of men and women, of human rights and fundamental freedoms in the political, economic, social, cultural, civil or any other field."
By accepting the Convention, States commit themselves to undertake a series of measures to end discrimination against women in all forms, including:


  • to incorporate the principle of equality of men and women in their legal system, abolish all discriminatory laws and adopt appropriate ones prohibiting discrimination against women;
  • to establish tribunals and other public institutions to ensure the effective protection of women against discrimination; and
  • to ensure elimination of all acts of discrimination against women by persons, organizations or enterprises.

 The Convention provides the basis for realizing equality between women and men through ensuring women's equal access to, and equal opportunities in, political and public life -- including the right to vote and to stand for election -- as well as education, health and employment.  States parties agree to take all appropriate measures, including legislation and temporary special measures, so that women can enjoy all their human rights and fundamental freedoms.

The Convention is the only human rights treaty which affirms the reproductive rights of women and targets culture and tradition as influential forces shaping gender roles and family relations.  It affirms women's rights to acquire, change or retain their nationality and the nationality of their children.  States parties also agree to take appropriate measures against all forms of traffic in women and exploitation of women. 

Countries that have ratified or acceded to the Convention are legally bound to put its provisions into practice.  They are also committed to submit national reports, at least every four years, on measures they have taken to comply with their treaty obligations.

http://www.un.org/womenwatch/daw/cedaw/cedaw.htm
http://www.un.org/womenwatch/daw/cedaw/text/econvention.htm
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Monday, October 15, 2018

Feminicide across Europe: United Kingdom



 The UK Home Office collects data on all homicides on the England and Wales Homicide Index6, which is a computer-based system where all homicides are initially recorded by the police. It has existed since 1976. This initial information is updated with suspect information and court outcomes, once available. Information relating to age, gender, motivation and relationship is recorded for all victims and perpetrators. It also contains information regarding female homicide victims, their ages and their relationships to the perpetrators. In Scotland, similar information is collected by the Scottish Government.
In the UK, the Femicide Census was developed in partnership by Karen Ingala Smith, CEO of Nia, and Women’s Aid, and with support from Freshfields Bruckhaus Deringer and Deloitte LLP. The Femicide Census aims to provide a clear picture of femicide in the UK, in order to understand and address this phenomenon and, most importantly, to give a voice to the victims who have lost their lives to men’s violence. Originally developed with data from Ingala Smith’s blog Counting Dead Women, it is now an influential observatory on femicide, detailing almost 1000 women who have been killed by men in England and Wales, since 2009.
The Femicide Census provides invaluable quantitative information regarding femicide in the UK, which equips us with a better understanding of the phenomenon and places us in an improved position to tackle a leading cause of premature death among women. Where possible, the Census                                                         

includes information, such as the name of the woman and her killer, their ages, occupations and health statuses, the elements of the killing itself – including the date, police area, weapon and recorded motive – as well as other available details for each case, relating to children, ethnicity and country of birth. The collection of this data demonstrates that these killings are not isolated incidents, and enables us to analyze trends and patterns in more depth, significantly furthering our understanding of the phenomenon of femicide. Most importantly, the Femicide Census gives a voice to the victims who have died as a result of the most extreme manifestation of male violence against women. In her recent report to the General Assembly (A/71/398), the UN Special Rapporteur on violence against women (SRVAW) specifically cites the UK’s Femicide Census as an outstanding example of data collection practice. The SRVAW, the UN and its member states have repeatedly concluded that the comparability and availability of data are key requirements for defining and understanding femicide together with its manifestations, causes and consequences. 7
1 Definition
There is no agreed-upon UK government definition of femicide, and the term is not employed in official statistics. The Office for National Statistics publishes data on homicide in their Crime Survey for England and Wales8. These data are categorized according to the sex of the victim. The motive in these statistics is not given based on the gender of the victim, but instead on the victim's relationship to the perpetrator. While men are more likely to be killed, it is primarily by other men, while women are far more likely to be killed by their current or former partners, often as part of a premeditated action following coercive and controlling behavior by the perpetrator.   
 (by Hilary Fisher, Aisha K. Gill and Heidi Stöckl)


In order to fight feminicide/femicide, various Latin American and European countries have adopted increasingly specific laws and legal instruments that penalize feminicide. The ratification of the Belém do Pará Convention1 in Latin America and the entry into force of the Istanbul Convention2  in Europe, demonstrate an increasingly stronger international commitment against this kind of violence. The establishment of the Bi-regional Dialogue on Gender by the European Union (EU) and the Community of Latin American and Caribbean States (CELAC), as well as the adoption of the Urgent Resolution on Feminicide in the European Union and Latin America3 by the Euro-Latin American Parliamentary Assembly (EuroLat) also express this commitment.    


However, legal norms, agreements, and international dialogues alone are not sufficient for the eradication of violence against women, nor its most extreme manifestation, feminicide.


Traditionally, States were only responsible for their own actions or those of their agents, but international public law has evolved and currently, the principle of due diligence makes the State responsible for the prevention, investigation, and prosecution of violence, regardless of who commits the crime. The duty of due diligence obliges States to enter the private sphere, where historically, they have not intervened, but where the majority of cases of violence against women occur. 



Therefore, it is the duty of the State to take all necessary measures to prevent human rights violations, such as feminicide, before they occur. This means, on the one hand, adopting pertinent laws and policies to prevent, investigate, prosecute, and punish those guilty of abuse, and on the other hand, successfully implement them. 

Patricia Jiménez, Heinrich-Böll-Stiftung – European Union, Brussels


                                                       
 6 Source: http://www.ons.gov.uk/peoplepopulationandcommunity/crimeandjustice/compendium/focusonviol entcrimeandsexualoffences/yearendingmarch2015/chapter2homicide
7 Source:  https://www.womensaid.org.uk/what-we-do/campaigning-and-influencing/femicide-census/
8 Source: http://www.ons.gov.uk/peoplepopulationandcommunity/crimeandjustice/compendium/focusonviol entcrimeandsexualoffences/yearendingmarch2015/chapter2homicide
9 Source: http://www.ons.gov.uk/peoplepopulationandcommunity/crimeandjustice/compendium/focusonviol entcrimeandsexualoffences/yearendingmarch2015/chapter2homicide#focus-on-domestic-homicides

http://www.europeanyoungfeminists.eu/2015/11/06/domestic-violence-and-coercive-control-in-the-united-kingdom/
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Saturday, October 13, 2018

Feminicide across Europe: Turkey


1 Sources
The number of sources collecting data on femicide in Turkey is limited. There has not yet been agreement as to the definition of femicide and the national authorities do not distinguish between femicide and female victims of homicide.

1- Turkish statistical Institute collected data about femicide and publishes annually. This data is the most accurate data for Turkey. However, the data covers only the number of women killed and it does not provide any other information.

2- A LGBT activist NGO has collected data about femicide, mainly from the media, since 2009 (http://bianet.org/kadin/bianet/133354-bianet-siddettaciz-tecavuz-cetelesi-tutuyor). In addition, there are two other NGO’s collecting data about femicide: www.anitsayac.com and http://kadincinayetleri.org
by Sadik Toprak

In order to fight feminicide/femicide, various Latin American and European countries have adopted increasingly specific laws and legal instruments that penalize feminicide. The ratification of the Belém do Pará Convention1 in Latin America and the entry into force of the Istanbul Convention2  in Europe, demonstrate an increasingly stronger international commitment against this kind of violence. The establishment of the Bi-regional Dialogue on Gender by the European Union (EU) and the Community of Latin American and Caribbean States (CELAC), as well as the adoption of the Urgent Resolution on Feminicide in the European Union and Latin America3 by the Euro-Latin American Parliamentary Assembly (EuroLat) also express this commitment.    


However, legal norms, agreements, and international dialogues alone are not sufficient for the eradication of violence against women, nor its most extreme manifestation, feminicide.


Traditionally, States were only responsible for their own actions or those of their agents, but international public law has evolved and currently, the principle of due diligence makes the State responsible for the prevention, investigation, and prosecution of violence, regardless of who commits the crime. The duty of due diligence obliges States to enter the private sphere, where historically, they have not intervened, but where the majority of cases of violence against women occur. 



Therefore, it is the duty of the State to take all necessary measures to prevent human rights violations, such as feminicide, before they occur. This means, on the one hand, adopting pertinent laws and policies to prevent, investigate, prosecute, and punish those guilty of abuse, and on the other hand, successfully implement them. 

Patricia Jiménez, Heinrich-Böll-Stiftung – European Union, Brussels


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Thursday, October 11, 2018

Feminicide across Europe: Sweden

 

The term of femicide is not widely employed in Sweden. Swedish research on the matter is scarce, and the most common terms found are ‘deadly violence’, ‘deadly intimate partner violence against women’ and the gender-neutral ‘deadly intimate partner violence’ (Nybergh 2016), which is also often used by government agencies (e.g. Brå 2007, Socialstyrelsen 2016).

1 Sources The main body that collects data on violent crime (including the murder of women and men) is The Swedish National Council for Crime Prevention (Brottsförebyggande rådet – Brå), an agency under the Ministry of Justice, established in 1974. Brå is a centre for research and development within the judicial system, working primarily to reduce crime and improve levels of safety in society by producing data and disseminating knowledge on crime and crime prevention work. Brå produces Sweden’s official crime statistics, evaluates reforms, conducts research to develop new knowledge and provides support to local crime prevention work. The results of Brå’s work form a basis for decision makers within the judicial system, Parliament and the Government. Brå often works in collaboration with other organisations and public sector agencies. It collects data on reported crime from the police, costume, prosecutor and the courts. Other sources include Statistics Sweden (SCB), but the SCB statistics themselves draw on Brå’s data.
Another, more qualitative, source is The National Board of Health and Welfare (Socialstyrelsen), a government agency under the Ministry of Health and Social Affairs. The agency is required by law to conduct special investigations in cases where the cause of death is related to ‘a crime conducted by a close, or formerly close person’ (Socialstyrelsen 2016, p. 10). The aim of the investigations is to provide information that could be used in developing prevention measures in matters of intimate partner or family violence, as well as to enable long-term knowledge production. The National Board of Health and Welfare has been critical of their own investigations and argued that it is impossible to draw any general conclusions, or make any systematic analyses, due the sample being too small, and too narrowly defined, and the fact that the Board is not permitted to obtain information about perpetrators.
2 Definition
Crime statistics and law refer to ‘deadly violence’, which includes murder, manslaughter, childslaughter and assault with deadly outcome (these are literal translations from Brå), collectively termed ‘deadly violence’ (Brå 2016a). Common terms used by government agencies are ‘deadly intimate partner violence against women’ and ‘deadly intimate partner violence’ (e.g. Brå 2007, Socialstyrelsen 2016), which primarily refers the murder of a woman by an intimate partner. An intimate partner is commonly defined as: current or former husband, partner, boyfriend, girlfriend or lover, regardless of currently or previously having lived together.
 (by Lucas Gottzén and Sofia Strid)


In order to fight feminicide/femicide, various Latin American and European countries have adopted increasingly specific laws and legal instruments that penalize feminicide. The ratification of the Belém do Pará Convention1 in Latin America and the entry into force of the Istanbul Convention2  in Europe, demonstrate an increasingly stronger international commitment against this kind of violence. The establishment of the Bi-regional Dialogue on Gender by the European Union (EU) and the Community of Latin American and Caribbean States (CELAC), as well as the adoption of the Urgent Resolution on Feminicide in the European Union and Latin America3 by the Euro-Latin American Parliamentary Assembly (EuroLat) also express this commitment. 





However, legal norms, agreements, and international dialogues alone are not sufficient for the eradication of violence against women, nor its most extreme manifestation, feminicide.





Traditionally, States were only responsible for their own actions or those of their agents, but international public law has evolved and currently, the principle of due diligence makes the State responsible for the prevention, investigation, and prosecution of violence, regardless of who commits the crime. The duty of due diligence obliges States to enter the private sphere, where historically, they have not intervened, but where the majority of cases of violence against women occur.







Therefore, it is the duty of the State to take all necessary measures to prevent human rights violations, such as feminicide, before they occur. This means, on the one hand, adopting pertinent laws and policies to prevent, investigate, prosecute, and punish those guilty of abuse, and on the other hand, successfully implement them.


Patricia Jiménez, Heinrich-Böll-Stiftung – European Union, Brussels




References
Brå (2007) Utvecklingen av dödligt våld mot kvinnor i nära relationer. Stockholm: The Swedish National Council for Crime Prevention. Available at: https://www.bra.se/download/18.cba82f7130f475a2f180009403/1371914725466/2007_6_utvecklin gen_dodligt_vald_mot_kvinnor.pdf [2016-10-12].
Brå (2016b) Mord och dråp. Available at: https://www.bra.se/bra/brott-och-statistik/mord-ochdrap.html [2016-10-12].
Brå (2016b) Fakta om våld i nära relationer. Available at: https://www.bra.se/bra/brott-ochstatistik/vald-i-nara-relationer.html [2016-10-12].
Nybergh, L. (2016) Dödligt våld i nära relationer – en genomgång av internationell forskning. Göteborg: Västra Götalandsregionen. Available at: http://www.valdinararelationer.se/upload/Våld%20i%20nära%20relationer.se/GTF9.pdf  [2016-1012].

Socialstyrelsen (2016) Dödsfallsutredningar 2014-2015: Barn och vuxna som avlidit med anledning av brott. Stockholm: The National Board of Health and Welfare. Available at: https://www.socialstyrelsen.se/Lists/Artikelkatalog/Attachments/20057/2016-1-31.pdf   [2016-1012].


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Tuesday, October 9, 2018

Feminicide across Europe :Spain


The 2004 Organic Law for integral protection against gender-based violence (GBV) (Law 1/2004) applies only to “violence that men exert against women who are or have been their intimate partners, or who are or have been in an intimate relationship with them, with or without cohabitation”. The Spanish Penal Code specifies several crimes related to violence against women in the case of sexual crimes. The Penal Code increases penalties when the crime is committed under conditions that are specified as GBV. Article 153 of the Penal Code specifies injury crime in relation to GBV. However, the Spanish legislation does not specifically specify femicide as a crime, and homicides and murders of women are included within Title 1 of the Penal Code, which deals with homicide and all its forms.

The restricted approach to GBV in Spain as framed in the Law 1/2004 does not align with the definitions assumed by international organizations, such as UN or the European Union. The restrictive approach to GBV under Spanish law prevents the visibilization and development of intervention for other forms of GBV to which women in Spain are exposed, e.g. murders of women in situations of prostitution, or murders of women when the murderer is not her current or former intimate partner. Official registers for such crimes do not exist in Spain.

The Spanish signature of the Istambul convention, which establishes a broad definition of violence against women based on gender and independent on the relationship between victim and aggressor, implies that the Spanish legislation needs to change accordingly. However, to date, the official response – namely, the reform incorporated in the organic Law 1/2015, 30th March, that modifies the Organic Law 1/1995, 23rd November of the Penal Code – has been insufficient. This reform includes: gender-based discrimination as an aggravating factor (art. 22.4 of the Penal Code.); crimes against life are modified to be considered as aggravated crime, when homicide is committed after sexual aggression (a172 bis); harassment (172 ter) and sharing, without the consent of the victim, of images taken in private locations with the victims’ consent (197.7 of the Penal code). However, Spanish legislation fails as yet to incorporate in the definition of GBV those cases where the aggressor is not a current or former intimate partner. This limitation has been highlighted in the CEDAW report of the 24th of July of 2015, where the need to include other types of GBV – such as caretaker violence, police violence, violence in public spaces, working places and schools – is emphasized. Although the term of femicide is used by certain social and academic institutions, its use is not generalized and it is utilized mainly in relation to the murder of women occurring within intimate relationships. In 2014, the 23rd edition of the Spanish Language Dictionary incorporated the word femicide, defined as “Murder of a woman due to her sex” (http://dle.rae.es/?id=Hjt6Vqr )


1 Data sources

Since 2003, the statistical web of the Government Delegation for GBV of the Ministry of Health, Social Services and Equality, has incorporated information on deaths due to GBV. In addition, the following information about deaths of women over age 15 is available aggregated by year, in relation to the victim: denouncer’s characteristics, protective orders, violation of restrictive orders, country of birth, age, cohabitation with aggressor, geographical location; in relation to the aggressor: country of birth, age, whether suicide was committed (http://www.violenciagenero.msssi.gob.es/violenciaEnCifras/victimasMortales/home.htm).
Since 2007, the State Observatory of Violence Against Women, under the auspicies of the Ministry of Health, Social Services and Equality, publishes an annual report with information of all fatality victims of GBV. The latest report published includes information about murders committed in 2013 and includes women older than 15. 
a) The General Council of Judicial Power (C.G.P.J.) publishes annually data on violence against women in the judicial statistics where homicide crimes are reported (http://www.poderjudicial.es/cgpj/es/Temas/Violencia-domestica-y-de-genero/Actividaddel-Observatorio/Datos-estadisticos/?filtroAnio=2015). Since 2007, the Observatory for Domestic and GBV of the CGPJ, created in 2007, has published annually a “Report of death victims due to domestic violence and GBV within intimate relationships”. The latest published report includes information for murders committed in 2013 and includes murders of women older than 15. (http://www.poderjudicial.es/cgpj/es/Temas/Violencia-domesticay-de-genero/Actividad-del-Observatorio/Informes-de-violencia-domestica/). It is important to note that these reports have been employing the term femicide since 2009, when referring to “the violent death of a woman by her current or former partner, or a person who is or has been related to her by a similar affective relationship, and where the aggressor is a man”. 
b) Some non-governmental organizations also gather statistics on the number of women murdered, mainly by their intimate partners or ex-partners. It is important to mention the Federation of Associations of Divorced and Separated women, which facilitates access to media news published by the Spanish press in relation to femicide cases since 1999 through today. (http://www.separadasydivorciadas.org/wordpress/estadisticas/). Additionally, the “Fundación Mujeres femicidio.net” offers information on femicides committed in Spain, in any of its forms, not limited to intimate partner femicide (http://www.feminicidio.net/menufeminicidio-informes-y-cifras). 
(by Santiago Boira Sarto, Chaime Marcuello, Yolanda Rodriguez Castro, Maria Lameiras Fernandez, Laura Otero Garcia, Belén Sanz Barbero, Carmen Vives Cases, Isabel Goicolea Julian) 

In order to fight feminicide/femicide, various Latin American and European countries have adopted increasingly specific laws and legal instruments that penalize feminicide. The ratification of the Belém do Pará Convention1 in Latin America and the entry into force of the Istanbul Convention2  in Europe, demonstrate an increasingly stronger international commitment against this kind of violence. The establishment of the Bi-regional Dialogue on Gender by the European Union (EU) and the Community of Latin American and Caribbean States (CELAC), as well as the adoption of the Urgent Resolution on Feminicide in the European Union and Latin America3 by the Euro-Latin American Parliamentary Assembly (EuroLat) also express this commitment.    


However, legal norms, agreements, and international dialogues alone are not sufficient for the eradication of violence against women, nor its most extreme manifestation, feminicide.


Traditionally, States were only responsible for their own actions or those of their agents, but international public law has evolved and currently, the principle of due diligence makes the State responsible for the prevention, investigation, and prosecution of violence, regardless of who commits the crime. The duty of due diligence obliges States to enter the private sphere, where historically, they have not intervened, but where the majority of cases of violence against women occur. 



Therefore, it is the duty of the State to take all necessary measures to prevent human rights violations, such as feminicide, before they occur. This means, on the one hand, adopting pertinent laws and policies to prevent, investigate, prosecute, and punish those guilty of abuse, and on the other hand, successfully implement them. 

Patricia Jiménez, Heinrich-Böll-Stiftung – European Union, Brussels


https://eu.boell.org/sites/default/files/feminicide_eng.pdf

https://www.um.edu.mt/__data/assets/pdf_file/0019/308017/March_9_Country_resources.pdf
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Sunday, October 7, 2018

Feminicide across Europe: Slovenia



  In Slovenia, the concept of femicide is not in common use and is not recognized as an expression denoting the homicide of women. Moreover, it is not even currently used in academic circles, nor does it appear in the media and, consequently, is not found among the general population. The concept of femicide is employed only by a few feminist scholars and researchers and a number of NGOs working with women victims of violence. The problem of femicide is still underestimated and under-researched in Slovenia.

22. Sources
In Slovenia, only one official body can provide data on femicides, namely, the Ministry of Interior, where statistical data about homicides of women is systematically collected and the relationship between the victim and the offender is viewed as serious and important data.
Another important source on femicide in Slovena is the first and only study on intimate partner femicide, conducted for PhD research at the Faculty of Arts and Science in Ljubljana, entitled Violence against women and intimate partner homicides of women in Slovenia.
The analysis is based on the review and qualitative analysis of 24 criminal records from all the District courts in Slovenia, for the period between 2000 and 2011.

2 Definition
Is hard to say what the definition of femicide in Slovenia might be, because there is no public debate on the issue. In general, when someone uses the concent of femicide he/she is referring to the killing of women by an intimate partner. However, in the academic field we employ Russell’s definition, “the killing of females by males because they are females” (Russell, 2001, p. 3). We use this definition to stress the importance of the term’s political significance.

(by Milica Antic and Jasna Podreka)


In order to fight feminicide/femicide, various Latin American and European countries have adopted increasingly specific laws and legal instruments that penalize feminicide. The ratification of the Belém do Pará Convention1 in Latin America and the entry into force of the Istanbul Convention2  in Europe, demonstrate an increasingly stronger international commitment against this kind of violence. The establishment of the Bi-regional Dialogue on Gender by the European Union (EU) and the Community of Latin American and Caribbean States (CELAC), as well as the adoption of the Urgent Resolution on Feminicide in the European Union and Latin America3 by the Euro-Latin American Parliamentary Assembly (EuroLat) also express this commitment.    


However, legal norms, agreements, and international dialogues alone are not sufficient for the eradication of violence against women, nor its most extreme manifestation, feminicide.


Traditionally, States were only responsible for their own actions or those of their agents, but international public law has evolved and currently, the principle of due diligence makes the State responsible for the prevention, investigation, and prosecution of violence, regardless of who commits the crime. The duty of due diligence obliges States to enter the private sphere, where historically, they have not intervened, but where the majority of cases of violence against women occur. 



Therefore, it is the duty of the State to take all necessary measures to prevent human rights violations, such as feminicide, before they occur. This means, on the one hand, adopting pertinent laws and policies to prevent, investigate, prosecute, and punish those guilty of abuse, and on the other hand, successfully implement them. 

Patricia Jiménez, Heinrich-Böll-Stiftung – European Union, Brussels


http://www.youngfeminist.eu/category/slovenia/
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Friday, October 5, 2018

Feminicide across Europe: Serbia



 In Serbia, femicide as a form of gender-based homicide has not been yet recognized in official documents (such as the Criminal Code), nor in official communications concerning gender-based violence. The term "killing of women", which is in use includes intimate partner homicide, usually after a period of continuous violence. In the past year, femicide has been covered extensively by the media, in order to raise awareness on this problem.

1 Definition
The Women against Violence Network (http://www.zeneprotivnasilja.net/en/) is a coalition of specialized women’s NGOs, which provide individual support to women and work on changing the social context, with the aim of decreasing violence against women in Serbia. The Network has adopted the concept of femicide, which is defined as, "gender-based killings of women, girls and even females babies committed by males. In order for homicide be qualified as femicide, the gender of the victim must be relevant to the perpetrator. As such, femicide is a crime against women, motivated by hatred of women, contempt and a sense of superiority, in which the perpetrator thinks he has the right to take away the life of a woman."
2 Sources
Two bodies collect data on femicide in Serbia:

1) Since 2010, The Women against Violence Network (WAV Network) has collected and published announcements as well as quantitative narrative reports on femicide, including data on victims, perpetrators, their relationship, what preceded the murder, and the modus operandi of the murder (use of a weapon in killing, or where the woman was beaten to death, strangled, etc.), as well as the analysis of media reports on femicide. The latest published Quantitative-narrative report is for the year 2015 and the most recent Announcement is for the period from January 1 to July 31 2016.
During 2016 the WAV Network has began monitoring of femicide trials.
http://www.zeneprotivnasilja.net/en/femicide-in-serbia

2) Counseling Against Family Violence (CAFV) is an NGO, established on July 8, 1996 in Belgrade, with aim of helping women and children who are victims of domestic violence. CAFV has records of murdered women, with their photographs and basic information about the perpetrator, what preceded the murder and its modus operandi (use of a weapon in killing, or where the woman was beaten to death, strangled, etc.) for the period from 2011 to 2014 (available only in Serbian). http://www.sigurnakuca.net/nasilje_nad_zenama/femicid/femicid_price_o_ubijenim_zenama.318.h tml?page=0&year= 
After a case of mass murder in which primary victim was a woman killed by her former husband, the Ombudsman of Serbia (Protector of citizens) carried out an inspection of the legality and regularity of the work of 45 centers for social work (CSW), operating under the auspices the Ministry of Internal Affairs and the Ministry of Labor, Employment, and Social Issues, in Serbia. This inspection revealed shortcomings in the work of the official services and institutions in domestic violence cases which resulted in recommendations for the improvement of work within the Police, CSWs and health institutions, as well as recommendations for the improved implementation of ratified international documents. In particular, the control showed shortcomings in the reaction of official institutions in 11 of 14 gender-based murders of women, which could have been prevented, in that their response to registered intimate partner violence was inadequate. http://www.ombudsman.org.rs/
 (by Vesna Nikolic-Ristanovic and Ljiljana Stevkovic)

In order to fight feminicide/femicide, various Latin American and European countries have adopted increasingly specific laws and legal instruments that penalize feminicide. The ratification of the Belém do Pará Convention1 in Latin America and the entry into force of the Istanbul Convention2  in Europe, demonstrate an increasingly stronger international commitment against this kind of violence. The establishment of the Bi-regional Dialogue on Gender by the European Union (EU) and the Community of Latin American and Caribbean States (CELAC), as well as the adoption of the Urgent Resolution on Feminicide in the European Union and Latin America3 by the Euro-Latin American Parliamentary Assembly (EuroLat) also express this commitment.    


However, legal norms, agreements, and international dialogues alone are not sufficient for the eradication of violence against women, nor its most extreme manifestation, feminicide.
 In Serbia, femicide as a form of gender-based homicide has not been yet recognized in official documents (such as the Criminal Code), nor in official communications concerning gender-based violence. The term "killing of women", which is in use includes intimate partner homicide, usually after a period of continuous violence. In the past year, femicide has been covered extensively by the media, in order to raise awareness on this problem.

1 Definition
The Women against Violence Network (http://www.zeneprotivnasilja.net/en/) is a coalition of specialized women’s NGOs, which provide individual support to women and work on changing the social context, with the aim of decreasing violence against women in Serbia. The Network has adopted the concept of femicide, which is defined as, "gender-based killings of women, girls and even females babies committed by males. In order for homicide be qualified as femicide, the gender of the victim must be relevant to the perpetrator. As such, femicide is a crime against women, motivated by hatred of women, contempt and a sense of superiority, in which the perpetrator thinks he has the right to take away the life of a woman."
2 Sources
Two bodies collect data on femicide in Serbia:

1) Since 2010, The Women against Violence Network (WAV Network) has collected and published announcements as well as quantitative narrative reports on femicide, including data on victims, perpetrators, their relationship, what preceded the murder, and the modus operandi of the murder (use of a weapon in killing, or where the woman was beaten to death, strangled, etc.), as well as the analysis of media reports on femicide. The latest published Quantitative-narrative report is for the year 2015 and the most recent Announcement is for the period from January 1 to July 31 2016.
During 2016 the WAV Network has began monitoring of femicide trials.
http://www.zeneprotivnasilja.net/en/femicide-in-serbia

2) Counseling Against Family Violence (CAFV) is an NGO, established on July 8, 1996 in Belgrade, with aim of helping women and children who are victims of domestic violence. CAFV has records of murdered women, with their photographs and basic information about the perpetrator, what preceded the murder and its modus operandi (use of a weapon in killing, or where the woman was beaten to death, strangled, etc.) for the period from 2011 to 2014 (available only in Serbian). http://www.sigurnakuca.net/nasilje_nad_zenama/femicid/femicid_price_o_ubijenim_zenama.318.h tml?page=0&year= 
After a case of mass murder in which primary victim was a woman killed by her former husband, the Ombudsman of Serbia (Protector of citizens) carried out an inspection of the legality and regularity of the work of 45 centers for social work (CSW), operating under the auspices the Ministry of Internal Affairs and the Ministry of Labor, Employment, and Social Issues, in Serbia. This inspection revealed shortcomings in the work of the official services and institutions in domestic violence cases which resulted in recommendations for the improvement of work within the Police, CSWs and health institutions, as well as recommendations for the improved implementation of ratified international documents. In particular, the control showed shortcomings in the reaction of official institutions in 11 of 14 gender-based murders of women, which could have been prevented, in that their response to registered intimate partner violence was inadequate. http://www.ombudsman.org.rs/
 (by Vesna Nikolic-Ristanovic and Ljiljana Stevkovic)

In order to fight feminicide/femicide, various Latin American and European countries have adopted increasingly specific laws and legal instruments that penalize feminicide. The ratification of the Belém do Pará Convention1 in Latin America and the entry into force of the Istanbul Convention2  in Europe, demonstrate an increasingly stronger international commitment against this kind of violence. The establishment of the Bi-regional Dialogue on Gender by the European Union (EU) and the Community of Latin American and Caribbean States (CELAC), as well as the adoption of the Urgent Resolution on Feminicide in the European Union and Latin America3 by the Euro-Latin American Parliamentary Assembly (EuroLat) also express this commitment.    


However, legal norms, agreements, and international dialogues alone are not sufficient for the eradication of violence against women, nor its most extreme manifestation, feminicide.


Traditionally, States were only responsible for their own actions or those of their agents, but international public law has evolved and currently, the principle of due diligence makes the State responsible for the prevention, investigation, and prosecution of violence, regardless of who commits the crime. The duty of due diligence obliges States to enter the private sphere, where historically, they have not intervened, but where the majority of cases of violence against women occur. 



Therefore, it is the duty of the State to take all necessary measures to prevent human rights violations, such as feminicide, before they occur. This means, on the one hand, adopting pertinent laws and policies to prevent, investigate, prosecute, and punish those guilty of abuse, and on the other hand, successfully implement them. 

Patricia Jiménez, Heinrich-Böll-Stiftung – European Union, Brussels


Traditionally, States were only responsible for their own actions or those of their agents, but international public law has evolved and currently, the principle of due diligence makes the State responsible for the prevention, investigation, and prosecution of violence, regardless of who commits the crime. The duty of due diligence obliges States to enter the private sphere, where historically, they have not intervened, but where the majority of cases of violence against women occur. 



Therefore, it is the duty of the State to take all necessary measures to prevent human rights violations, such as feminicide, before they occur. This means, on the one hand, adopting pertinent laws and policies to prevent, investigate, prosecute, and punish those guilty of abuse, and on the other hand, successfully implement them. 


Patricia Jiménez, Heinrich-Böll-Stiftung – European Union, Brussels


https://eu.boell.org/sites/default/files/feminicide_eng.pdf
https://twitter.com/kristiprogri/status/591938248219426816
https://www.um.edu.mt/__data/assets/pdf_file/0019/308017/March_9_Country_resources.pdf
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Wednesday, October 3, 2018

Feminicide across Europe: Romania


In Romania, the concept of femicide appeared for the first time in 2014 (Balica et al). From this year onwards, there are some studies focused on femicide-suicides (Balica 2016) and femicide (Balica, 2017). This term is used only in academic papers.

1 Sources
There are only one institution that has collected femicide data in Romania: the Laboratory Violence and crime. Mediation and Prevention from Institute of Sociology of the Romanian Academy (coordinator: Balica). Since 2015, Balica has initiated a pilot project to collect information about femicide committed in Romania between 2011-2015. To date, the database contains information from the online media for about 298 cases of femicide committed in Romania. The definiton of femicide used for this database was: femicide is best defined as the intentional killing  of a woman by an intimate partner. Partner is defined in a broad way, to include a husband, living and dating partner, lover; former husband, former partner and former lover are also included in the definition. The Femicide in Romania database (n=298 cases) includes information about victims, aggressors and violence.

2 Definition

Femicide is defined in the studies by Romanian researcher as the killing of a woman by an intimate partner. Partner is defined in a broad way, to include husband, living and dating partner, lover; former husband, former partner and former lover are also included in the definition.
References
Balica, Branea, Marinescu, Victimele violentei dintre partenerii intimi. Analiza datelor statistice  privind victimele inregistrate in Romania, in intervalul 2008-2013 (Victims of intimate partner violence. Analysis of  Romanian cases between 2008-2013), in: Revista Romana de Criminologie, Penologie si Criminalistica (Romanian  Journal  of  Criminology, Penology and Forensic Science), pp. 24-34, no 3/4 – 2014, ISSN 1454-5624
Balica, Féminicide et médias en ligne. Études de cas: les femmes roumaines émigrantes qui offrent   des  services sexuelles légaux/ illégaux, in: Marinescu V&Branea S. (eds), (2017) Exploring Political and Gender Relations: New Digital and Cultural Environments, Cambridge Scholars Publishing ISBN (10): 1-4438-9972-0 ISBN (13): 978-1-4438-9972-7
Balica, Homicide-Suicide in Romania: Statistical data and Media Representation, Peter Lang Publishing House, 2016, 210 pages, ISBN 978-3-631-66722-4
 Ecaterina Balica

In order to fight feminicide/femicide, various Latin American and European countries have adopted increasingly specific laws and legal instruments that penalize feminicide. The ratification of the Belém do Pará Convention1 in Latin America and the entry into force of the Istanbul Convention2  in Europe, demonstrate an increasingly stronger international commitment against this kind of violence. The establishment of the Bi-regional Dialogue on Gender by the European Union (EU) and the Community of Latin American and Caribbean States (CELAC), as well as the adoption of the Urgent Resolution on Feminicide in the European Union and Latin America3 by the Euro-Latin American Parliamentary Assembly (EuroLat) also express this commitment.    


However, legal norms, agreements, and international dialogues alone are not sufficient for the eradication of violence against women, nor its most extreme manifestation, feminicide.


Traditionally, States were only responsible for their own actions or those of their agents, but international public law has evolved and currently, the principle of due diligence makes the State responsible for the prevention, investigation, and prosecution of violence, regardless of who commits the crime. The duty of due diligence obliges States to enter the private sphere, where historically, they have not intervened, but where the majority of cases of violence against women occur. 



Therefore, it is the duty of the State to take all necessary measures to prevent human rights violations, such as feminicide, before they occur. This means, on the one hand, adopting pertinent laws and policies to prevent, investigate, prosecute, and punish those guilty of abuse, and on the other hand, successfully implement them. 

Patricia Jiménez, Heinrich-Böll-Stiftung – European Union, Brussels



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Monday, October 1, 2018

Feminicide across Europe: Portugal


1 Definition
Intimate Partner Violence is contemplated as part of the autonomous crime of Domestic Violence – Article 152 of Portuguese Penal Code: “Whoever, in a repetitive manner or not, imposes physical or mental abuses, including bodily punishments, deprivations of liberty and sexual offences to the spouse or ex-spouse; to a person of another or of the same sex with whom the agent maintains or has maintained a relationship equal to a relationship of spouses, even if without cohabitation; to progenitor of common descendant in first degree; or to a person particularly undefended, due to age, deficiency, disease, pregnancy or economic dependency, who cohabitates with him, is punished with sentence of imprisonment from one to five years. If the agent commits the act against a minor, in the presence of a minor, in the common domicile or in the victim’s domicile is punished with sentence of imprisonment from two to five years. If, from the acts referred to above, results death, the agent is punished with sentence of imprisonment from three to ten years and in the cases where it results grievous bodily injury, the agent is punished with sentence of imprisonment from two to eight years”.
Portugal remains embedded in conservative and patriarchal cultural values about family and intimacy, which favours the social acceptance of gender inequality particularly in the family context.
The designation of femicide is not adopted by the Portuguese current administrative system and is relatively unused in general. The terms most used are homicide or marital homicide.

2 Sources
Despite the extension of the phenomena and the legal advances made in the last decades Portugal does not have a specific national legal and regulatory framework concerning data collection on Violence against Women (VAW).
Both the Ministry of Justice and the Ministry of Internal Administration collect data on marital homicide. Beyond criminal statistics, provided by official administrative sources, data collection on marital violence is made mainly by academics and civil society organisations, particularly women’s associations, adopting each entity different approaches and methods.
Since 2008, the Ministry of Internal Administration produces annually a report on domestic violence - Domestic Violence: Annual Report of Monitoring -, which integrates information concerning crime registrations based on complaints reported to police authorities [The Republican National Guard (GNR) and the Police of Public Security (PSP)].
The Portuguese Observatory of Murdered Women - a mechanism created in 2004 by The Women's Collective Alternative and Answer (UMAR) - produce periodically reports on femicide and recently The Portuguese Association for Victim Support (APAV) has created a Homicide Crimes Observatory, where marital homicide crimes are also analysed.
In 2016 it was created, by the Portuguese Government, the Team of Retrospective Analysis on Domestic Violence Homicides (Ordinance n. º 280/2016, October 26), whose mission is to carry out the retrospective analysis of homicide situations that occurred in the context of domestic violence to develop prevention measures.
(by Sofia Neves)
  
In order to fight feminicide/femicide, various Latin American and European countries have adopted increasingly specific laws and legal instruments that penalize feminicide. The ratification of the Belém do Pará Convention1 in Latin America and the entry into force of the Istanbul Convention2  in Europe, demonstrate an increasingly stronger international commitment against this kind of violence. The establishment of the Bi-regional Dialogue on Gender by the European Union (EU) and the Community of Latin American and Caribbean States (CELAC), as well as the adoption of the Urgent Resolution on Feminicide in the European Union and Latin America3 by the Euro-Latin American Parliamentary Assembly (EuroLat) also express this commitment.    


However, legal norms, agreements, and international dialogues alone are not sufficient for the eradication of violence against women, nor its most extreme manifestation, feminicide.


Traditionally, States were only responsible for their own actions or those of their agents, but international public law has evolved and currently, the principle of due diligence makes the State responsible for the prevention, investigation, and prosecution of violence, regardless of who commits the crime. The duty of due diligence obliges States to enter the private sphere, where historically, they have not intervened, but where the majority of cases of violence against women occur. 



Therefore, it is the duty of the State to take all necessary measures to prevent human rights violations, such as feminicide, before they occur. This means, on the one hand, adopting pertinent laws and policies to prevent, investigate, prosecute, and punish those guilty of abuse, and on the other hand, successfully implement them. 


Patricia Jiménez, Heinrich-Böll-Stiftung – European Union, Brussels


https://eu.boell.org/sites/default/files/feminicide_eng.pdf
http://www.france24.com/es/20171025-portugal-feministas-justicia-violencia
https://www.um.edu.mt/__data/assets/pdf_file/0019/308017/March_9_Country_resources.pdf
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