While Algerian and Moroccan migrant women live mostly in a few EU
countries – France, Spain and, in the case of Moroccans, also Italy –
Ukrainian women are present in a wider spectrum of destinations in the
European Union (see Figure 3). Their numbers are particularly high in
Italy (168,000 in 2013) as well as in Germany and Poland (about
140,000 in each country). However, we decided to take the case of
Ukrainians in Poland as to allow for comparisons with the other three
cases under study. The long tradition of migration of Ukrainian women
to Poland must be understood against the background of the economic
decline of the country, since the 1990s. In this context, women have taken
the role of breadwinners required to support often unemployed husbands and school-age children.25 The mobility between Ukraine and Poland
has very often taken the shape of temporary migration, facilitated
by historical ties, geographical proximity and favourable policies for
border crossing.26
From the policy point of view, the present situation is the last stage in
a complex evolution of different arrangements. Flows between 1945 and
1989 were entirely regulated by state apparatuses, were mutual agreements
and the result of diverse mobility programmes within the COMECON
framework (e.g. tourism, student exchanges, cross-border employment,
military dislocations, etc.) During the 1990s, and especially
after the non-visa agreement of 1996, increasing mobility between
Ukraine and Poland developed.27 This is also the time of the so-called
suitcase traders who were very active across the Ukraine-Poland border
from the mid-1950s.28 This regular movement between the two countries
was virtually halted in 2003, when Polish migration policy had to
adjust to the standards of the European Union, which required the introduction
of visa requirements for non-EU nationals.
At present, the legal framework for the entrance of Ukrainians is relatively
liberalised: in 2006 Poland decided to gradually liberalise the legislation
on employment of third country nationals. This was achieved, on
the one hand, by facilitating the issuing of work permits, and, on the other
hand, by expanding the catalogue of nationalities who, under certain conditions, are allowed to take employment in Poland without necessarily
holding a permit, as in the case of EU eastern neighbours including Russia.
In 2008, the Agreement on the Local Border Traffic with Ukraine was
concluded, which facilitated the mobility of people living on the Ukrainian
border, including the many women who were seeking employment in the
expanding domestic and care sector of Polish cities. The reduction in the
number of those counted as Ukrainians (although born in what was formerly
Poland), together with the fact that the entrance of these Ukrainian
workers was not registered after 2008, might explain why the official
number of Ukrainian women migrants is decreasing (see Figure 4). Yet it
is a matter of fact that their presence in the domestic and care sectors, as
well as in Polish society more generally, has increased.
In relation to the temporary migration, which characterised the mobility
pattern of this group, scholars have argued that migrants from
Ukraine have little interest in, or the possibility of, settling in Poland because
of economic, legal and cultural constraints. Their aim is, rather, to
improve their living conditions at home. For this reason, Ukrainian migrants
perceive their migration as a temporary activity, additional to
their work at home. This has resulted in a lasting phenomenon of temporary
trips and repeated mobility. Some of the Ukrainian domestic
workers circulating to and from Poland make use of tourist visas in order
to enter the country and work irregularly.29 They are generally live
out and do cleaning jobs. Polish scholars point to the risks related to the
undeclared character of this work, the structural conditions of the sector
and the limited opportunities for mobility within it.30 Ukrainian circular
migration has been defined as “incomplete migration,” characterised by
short-termism and the unstructured departure of individuals in search
of immediate profit rather than being a structured project.31 Along the same lines, Marta Kindler and Monika Szulecka have emphasised the
importance assigned by Ukrainians to the ties with their country of
origin as a result of the obstacles that they face in the host country.32
Thus we believe that the case of Ukrainian women in Poland is an example
of the negotiations taking place around women’s work on the
borders of the EU, with the formation of a gendered and ethnicised labour
force to be employed in the lowest strata of the European labour
market. While Polish women still engage in temporary and permanent
migration to Germany, the United Kingdom and other western European
countries where they mainly take up domestic and care work in private
households, Ukrainian women are doing the same in Poland.33 The overlapping
of these different circuits of women’s mobilities denotes the increasing
stratification of labour markets opportunities for migrant
women. If gendered occupations such as domestic work still play a major
role, this is however split into jobs with different entitlements from
the point of view of rights and labour conditions. Women on the borders
of the EU, as in the case of the Ukrainians, are included in a hierarchical
way in this market compared with women holding citizenship from a
member country, by being allowed to enter into it only in the most precarious
and invisible way, namely as flexible, undocumented privately
hired service workers.
25 Suzanne LaFont, “One step forward, two steps back: women in the postcommunist
states”, in Communist and Post-Communist Studies, Vol. 34, No. 2 (June
2001), p. 203-220; Jacqui True, Gender, Globalization, and Postsocialism. The Czech Republic
after Communism, New York, Columbia University Press, 2003.
26 Aleksandra Grzymała-Kazłowska and Marek Okólski, “Influx and Integration of
Migrants in Poland in the Early XXI Century”, in CMR Working Papers, No. 50 (November
2003), http://www.migracje.uw.edu.pl/publ/233; Agata Górny et al., Immigration to
Poland. Policy, Employment, Integration, Warsaw, Scholar, 2010.
27 Krystyna Iglicka and Agnieszka Weinar, “Ukrainian Migration in Poland from the
Perspective of Polish Policies and Systems’ Theory”, in Journal of Immigrant & Refugee
Studies, Vol. 6, No. 3 (2008), p. 356-365.
28 Dariusz Stola, “Two Kinds of Quasi-Migration in the Middle Zone: Central Europe
as a Space for Transit Migration and Mobility for Profit”, in Claire Wallace and Dariusz
Stola (eds.), Patterns of Migration in Central Europe, London and New York, Palgrave,
2001, p. 84-104, http://ssrn.com/abstract=2292616.
29 Krystyna Iglicka, Katarzyna Gmaj and Wojciech Borodzicz-Smoliński, Circular Migration Patterns. Migration between Ukraine and Poland, San Domenico di Fiesole, European University Institute, 2011, http://hdl.handle.net/1814/19720.
30 Marta Kindler, “The relationship to the employer in migrant’s eyes: the domestic work Ukrainian migrant women in Warsaw”, in Cahiers de l’Urmis, No. 12 (June 2009), https://urmis.revues.org/853. 31 Marek Okólski, “Recent Trends in International Migration. Poland 1997”, in CMR Working Papers, No. 19 (October 1998), http://www.migracje.uw.edu.pl/publ/329.
32 Marta Kindler and Monika Szulecka, “The Economic Integration of Ukrainian and Vietnamese Migrant Women in the Polish Labour Market”, in Journal of Ethnic and Migration Studies, Vol. 39, No. 4 (2013), p. 649-671.
33 Ewa Palenga-Möllenbeck, “Care Chains in Eastern and Central Europe: Male and Female Domestic Work at the Intersections of Gender, Class, and Ethnicity”, in Journal of Immigrant & Refugee Studies, Vol. 11, No. 4 (2013), p. 364-383.
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