Since the year 200, the pattern of Algerian emigration as a whole has
changed.16 Along with the traditional emigration of intellectuals and
students, there is now increasing emigration of women: women represent
42 percent of the 4.5 million people who were born in Algeria and
are today resident in France. As Figure 4 shows, Algerian women in
France outnumber other female presences from the ENP area in the EU,
with a sharp increase in numbers from the year 2000. This feminisation
of migration in the Algerian context can be explained in the face of the
changing configuration of mobility, which is no longer driven by strictly
economic reasons but that is also a reflection of the desire to pursue
other goals, within a context of social mobility and cultural and economic
transnational interconnections. Reasons for migrating may go beyond
the simple need for work, but reflect the need to fulfil a variety of projects.
Examples include university students who increasingly participate
in scientific networks, members of civil society associations taking part
into Euro-Mediterranean cooperation, but also women engaged with
transnational trade circuits, such as trabendo, popularly called the
“biznasiates,” that is the “business women”.17
Hocine Labdelaoui shows how Algerian women in France are increasingly
taking on the role of reproducers of the Algerian national
community living outside the national territory.18 This is part of a wider
political attempt to promote a moral discourse that encourages the incorporation
of the diaspora into the homeland and, thus, to increase
their investments back home. Migrant women therefore have a pivotal
role in the symbolic and physical reproduction of the nation’s identity
and collectivity abroad. The reproduction of certain gender ideologies,
and the perpetuation of specific gendered roles within the communities
abroad, are then also part and parcel of keeping diasporas linked to
their communities of origin and explain the contradictory gendered laws enacted by the Algerian government. For example, the government
has eased patriarchal control over the migration of women by, for example,
making sure that women no longer require the authorisation of
their male guardian to leave the country. However, at the same time the
Algerian state has kept the clause that fathers, not mothers, have to authorise
a child’s passport registration, thus perpetuating the principle
that citizenship rights are predominantly male prerogatives and enhancing
the cultural construction of women as legal minors.
The large number of Algerian women in France also reflects a dynamic
and complex situation. On the one hand, it results from the classic
pattern of reunification with a spouse who migrated earlier; on the other,
this data reflects the increasing erosion of the patriarchal orders that
limit women’s ability to exercise their desires and choices.
17 Ruba Salih, “The Relevance of Gender in/and Migration”, cit.
18 Hocine Labdelaoui, “Genre et migration, en Algérie”, cit.
19 Ali Mebroukine, “Migrations, genre et relations international. Le cas d’Algérie”, in CARIM Notes d’analyse et de synthèse, No. 2011/07 (2011), http://hdl.handle.net/ 1814/15592; Rafik Bouklia-Hassane, “La feminisation de l’immigration d’origine algé- rienne: Un état de lieux”, in CARIM Notes d’analyse et de synthèse, No. 2011/20 (2011), http://hdl.handle.net/1814/15617.
No comments:
Post a Comment
Note: Only a member of this blog may post a comment.