Thursday, May 5, 2016

Recommendations to the government of the Russian Federation in line with its international obligations 7/7

Recommendations to the government of the Russian Federation.


In line with the international obligations of the Russian Federation the recommendations to the Government of the Russian Federation would be the following:

- To pass a developed Federal law on domestic violence;

- To exclude the crimes committed in the family from the category of private prosecution and assigning them to the category of public prosecution.                                                  

- To set up an effective national mechanism at the Federal level to ensure women’s rights. This mechanism must have power to hand down binding decisions.

- To introduce in the agencies of the Ministry of the Interior a consolidated system for the collection of statistical data, which would take into account the nature of relationship between the offender and the victim as well as gender breakdown.

- To adopt at the Federal level a State Programme on Prevention of Violence against Women.
- To include gender education in the courses of Universities and schools and include it in mandatory training for those who are employed by the state, including social services, police, judges, 
prosecutors and public administrations.


This report is prepared by a group of experts under leadership of “ANNA” Centre for the Prevention of Violence. The Report covers areas of concern in regards to women’s rights especially violence against women with assessment of the state system of tackling violent incidents against women, hence the emphasis in the report on the analysis of the current law and practice.
The monitoring was conducted in Russia in 2010—2015. The monitoring results do not claim to be comprehensive; however, they do provide a general assessment of the situation, identify key problems and trends, evaluate the steps taken to resolve them and analyse existing obstacles. The list of violent incidents contained in the report is neither exhaustive nor representative; however it is a vivid illustration of the nature and scope of violence committed against women in Russia.

 Drawing by Violeta Doval Hernández
Leer más...

Monday, May 2, 2016

Russian Federation :Main achievements in Prevention of domestic violence 6/7



1. Drafting the law on “Prevention of domestic violence”
In 2012 the Ministry of Labor and Social development established a working group within the Council on Gender issues for drafting legislation on domestic violence. A representative of a national NGO – the head of the Center ANNA - was asked to chair this working group. The legislation was drafted first by lawyers and representatives of NGOs and then by representatives of the state including the Government Commission on Public Health, the Ministry of Internal Affairs of the Russian Federation, Legislative Committee of the State Parliament (Duma), Labor and Social development and other governmental agencies were cooperating in order to develop a comprehensive law. The draft law was based on best practices that exist in Russia and on the UN model legislation. The hearings on the draft law were conducted with the participation of the Office of the Higher Commissioner on Human Rights, the Public Chamber of the Russian Federation, the Public Chamber of Moscow, the Moscow Duma, and the Presidential Council for Civil Society and Human Rights. The draft law also went through the process of evaluation by each relevant Ministry and was supported with comments by the majority. A significant role in promoting the draft law was played by the Presidential Council for Civil Society and Human Rights that raised the issue of the necessity of adoption of the law on domestic violence in Russia by the President. On the other hand, the NGO community was able to collect over 150,000 signatures requesting the law to be adopted. Work on the draft law that is called “On prevention and response to domestic violence” was a true example of a strong collaboration of NGOs and governmental agencies with the leadership of civil society organizations.

2. Increased response from the public

  • In 2012-2015 in Russia 5 non-governmental shelters were opened; most of them are partially funded by local governments. Non-governmental shelters work in Moscow, Nizhniy Novgorod, Pskov, and Vologda.
  • Progressive representatives of Russian Orthodox Church are taking an active stand on the movement against domestic violence and developing an approach aimed at encouraging zero tolerance attitudes toward violence in Cristian families. Every January starting from 2011 the round table discussions on domestic violence with the participation of leading women’s NGOs are conducted within the framework of Christmas Readings. At the round table discussions the leaders of women’s NGOs present the issues of domestic violence and the ways of developing an effective response to cases of violence. The training program on domestic violence for priests was established within the Orthodox Church. They also started cooperation with the leading women’s NGOs in terms of establishing services for women. In March 2015 Center ANNA facilitated opening a shelter by the Novo-Spassky Monastery near Moscow. It can serve as a model for the Orthodox Church in order to be disseminated in the other regions, particularly in the rural areas.  
  • Private companies in Russia in cooperation with Center ANNA started to provide support to non-governmental shelters both in kind and financially.  The interest of private companies to the issue of domestic violence is a new phenomenon in Russia. It demonstrates the effectiveness  of public educational campaigns on violence against women conducted by Center ANNA in cooperation with the entire women’s movement from 1997.
  • New programs aimed at the involvement of men into the movements on combating violence against women are launched in different regions of Russia and contribute to gender equality. One of the best practices is “Papa-groups” that teach men to become fathers and care-givers sharing parental responsibilities with the children’s mothers. This program also includes domestic violence prevention component. Program has been developed by the men’s group in Saint Petersburg in cooperation with Center ANNA.


This report is prepared by a group of experts under leadership of “ANNA” Centre for the Prevention of Violence. The Report covers areas of concern in regards to women’s rights especially violence against women with assessment of the state system of tackling violent incidents against women, hence the emphasis in the report on the analysis of the current law and practice.
The monitoring was conducted in Russia in 2010—2015. The monitoring results do not claim to be comprehensive; however, they do provide a general assessment of the situation, identify key problems and trends, evaluate the steps taken to resolve them and analyse existing obstacles. The list of violent incidents contained in the report is neither exhaustive nor representative; however it is a vivid illustration of the nature and scope of violence committed against women in Russia.


Leer más...

Friday, April 29, 2016

Russian Federation: The lack of the National Machinery 5/7



There are other major obstacles in establishing a comprehensive response system to violence against women in Russia. One of them is that currently in the Russian Federation there is no National Machinery that would correspond to the definition of the Beijing Platform of Action. Although in 2010 as a result of the CEDAW recommendations to the State Report the Russian government established an inter-agency Council on Gender issues under the Ministry of Labor, the status of this Council does not respond to all the requirements. The Council rather has a consultative status and does not have power and resources to influence policy making on the part of the State in the area of advancement of women and contributing to gender equality.


Another mechanism within the Parliament of the Russian Federation is the Committee on Family, Women and Children that was initially established to serve as the National Machinery. At the beginning the Committee was functioning in compliance with its objectives. However, today the Committee acts in conformity with the recent discriminatory trends in terms of women’s human rights. For instance, the former head of the Committee Elena Mizulina proposed an amendment to the Russian Constitution, making the Russian Orthodox Church central to national and cultural identity, including the area of women’s human rights. Thus, Ms. Mizuling introduced a bill to remove abortions from the list of free medical care, restricting state medical coverage to abortions only in cases where the mother’s life is in danger, as well as introducing fines for abortions in private clinics. 


This report is prepared by a group of experts under leadership of “ANNA” Centre for the Prevention of Violence. The Report covers areas of concern in regards to women’s rights especially violence against women with assessment of the state system of tackling violent incidents against women, hence the emphasis in the report on the analysis of the current law and practice.

The monitoring was conducted in Russia in 2010—2015. The monitoring results do not claim to be comprehensive; however, they do provide a general assessment of the situation, identify key problems and trends, evaluate the steps taken to resolve them and analyse existing obstacles. The list of violent incidents contained in the report is neither exhaustive nor representative; however it is a vivid illustration of the nature and scope of violence committed against women in Russia.
 Drawing by Violeta Doval Henández
Leer más...

Tuesday, April 26, 2016

Russian Federation: Civil society 4/7



The problems the Civil Society in the Russian Federation is currently facing could be defined as the following challenges:

General public does not have a clear understanding of a role of the civil society organizations and therefore does not support civil society organizations (CSO).

This understanding of civil society and CSOs on the part of average citizens and the authorities can relate to their vision and/or experiences of public activities in the Soviet period when public activism meant either close cooperation with the state or being a dissident. Both interpretations mentioned above imply lack of trust to CSOs and NGOs, and sometimes fear, and as a result scarce involvement of community members to the civil society activities.

For example, most of the support that business provides to non-profit organizations is still focused in the area of supporting of people with disabilities, children with special needs and orphans.  It is because these types of activities are in a way “obvious” in terms of what are the vulnerable groups and do not require any extra defining of personal views and values, in other words they are easier to understand. 

This report is prepared by a group of experts under leadership of “ANNA” Centre for the Prevention of Violence. The Report covers areas of concern in regards to women’s rights especially violence against women with assessment of the state system of tackling violent incidents against women, hence the emphasis in the report on the analysis of the current law and practice.

The monitoring was conducted in Russia in 2010—2015. The monitoring results do not claim to be comprehensive; however, they do provide a general assessment of the situation, identify key problems and trends, evaluate the steps taken to resolve them and analyse existing obstacles. The list of violent incidents contained in the report is neither exhaustive nor representative; however it is a vivid illustration of the nature and scope of violence committed against women in Russia.
 Drawing by Violeta Doval Henández
Leer más...

Monday, April 25, 2016

Lila Abu-Lughod



Lila Abu-Lughod is the Joseph L. Buttenwieser Professor of Social Science at Columbia University, and Professor of Anthropology and Women’s and Gender Studies. Her courses focus on gender politics and nationalism in the Muslim world and on liberalism, culture, and the politics of human and women’s rights. A leading voice in debates about gender, Islam, and global policy, her books and publications have been translated into more than 13 languages. Abu-Lughod's early work was on emotion, poetry, and gender ideology in a Bedouin community in Egypt. As an anthropologist of the Middle East, Professor Abu-Lughod could not avoid the politics of representation and so began to think about ethnographic writing itself, developing a critique of the concept of culture. Interests in gender in the Arab world and in postcolonial theory led to some work on the history and contemporary politics of Middle Eastern feminisms.


She returned to the study of popular culture in ethnographic work on Egyptian television soap operas as they relate to national pedagogy, class politics, religious and gender identity, and modern subjectivities. Questions of national identification, violent disruption, and memory are at the center of work Professor Abu-Lughod then did on the Palestinian experience of 1948. She has just completed a book on the international circulation of discourses about the "oppressed Muslim woman." Publications include: Veiled Sentiments: Honor and Poetry in a Bedouin Society (1986), Writing Women's Worlds: Bedouin Stories (1993), Dramas of Nationhood: The Politics of Television in Egypt (2005), Nakba: Palestine, 1948, and the Claims of Memory (2007), and Do Muslim Women Need Saving? (Harvard University Press, 2013). She co-edited CSSD's Womens Rights, Muslim Family Law, and the Politics of Consent: Working Papers (December 2011).


http://org.uib.no/smi/seminars/Pensum/Abu-Lughod.pdf
http://socialdifference.columbia.edu/lila-abu-lughod
http://www.hup.harvard.edu/catalog.php?isbn=9780674725164
http://www.scielo.org.mx/scielo.php?script=sci_nlinks&ref=588542&pid=S1870-0063201200020000700001&lng=es
Leer más...

Saturday, April 23, 2016

Russian Federation: Gender stereotypes and raise of patriarchal values 3/7



Spreading gender stereotypes is another significant obstacle in combating violence against women in Russia. In the last five years there is an increasing renaissance of what is called “traditional values”. The problem is that it is defined based on old cultural views on women’s roles in a family and in the society. However, despite the activities recently launched by progressive forces of the Russian Orthodox Church that are aimed at changing attitudes to domestic violence, there are active conservative groups like “Parental committee” or the All-Russian movement ‘Parents’ Meeting’ that publicly try to promote physical punishment in a family as a cultural tradition.


The stereotype of a woman that primarily is a mother and a ‘domestic goddess’ is being enforced in the society. These discriminatory sentiments and practices are easily maintainable in the environment where gender equality and women’s human rights issues are rejected and considered to be the matters of alien ideology and “foreign” influence both by the state and the general public. Due to the abovementioned facts the lack of gender education and the courses on women’s human rights in the curricula of universities and schools is observed.    


This report is prepared by a group of experts under leadership of “ANNA” Centre for the Prevention of Violence. The Report covers areas of concern in regards to women’s rights especially violence against women with assessment of the state system of tackling violent incidents against women, hence the emphasis in the report on the analysis of the current law and practice.

The monitoring was conducted in Russia in 2010—2015. The monitoring results do not claim to be comprehensive; however, they do provide a general assessment of the situation, identify key problems and trends, evaluate the steps taken to resolve them and analyse existing obstacles. The list of violent incidents contained in the report is neither exhaustive nor representative; however it is a vivid illustration of the nature and scope of violence committed against women in Russia.


 Drawing by Violeta Doval Henández
Leer más...

Friday, April 22, 2016

Japan :Paternity Leave harassment

 

By law, fathers can get 6 months paternity leave on almost full pay, but they face such abuse and harassment from bosses and fellow workers, hardly anyone claims this right. See the reasons how this has happened. 



Rupert Wingfield-Hayes reports.


Leer más...

Wednesday, April 20, 2016

Release Narges Mohammadi. #‎TakeAction


Join Amnesty International and ‪#‎TakeAction‬ for the release of Iranian human rights defender and prisoner of conscience, Narges Mohammadi. Narges' court hearing has been scheduled for April 20. She has been denied contact with her children for over eight months, and she is critically ill. Call on Iranian authorities to release Narges immediately

URGENT ACTION (AU 105/15)
APRIL 4, 2016

Iranian human rights defender and prisoner of conscience, Narges Mohammadi, has been informed that her court hearing is scheduled on 20 April. She has not been allowed to make any contact with her children for over eight months. She remains critically ill. 

1) Please write immediately in Persian, English, Arabic, French, Spanish or your own language:
Calling on the Iranian authorities to release Narges Mohammadi immediately and unconditionally, as she is a prisoner of conscience, held solely for the peaceful exercise of her rights to freedom of expression, association, and peaceful assembly;
Urging them to ensure that Narges Mohammadi is immediately granted access to specialized medical care outside the prison and that she is protected from torture and other ill-treatment, which the denial of medical care can amount to;
Urging them to allow her regular contact with her lawyer and visits and phone calls from her family, including her children.

2) For the full Urgent Action, including appeal addresses and further information, please click on the PDF version below.

3) Please let us know if you took action so that we can track our impact!

  • .EITHER send a short email to uan@aiusa.org with “UA 105/15” in the subject line, and include in the body of the email the number of letters and/or emails you sent,
  • .OR fill out this short online form to let us know how you took action.


Narges Mohammadi suffers from various medical conditions, such as pulmonary embolism (a blood clot in her lungs) and a neurological disorder that can result in seizures and temporary partial paralysis. In October 2015, she suffered several seizures which eventually prompted the authorities to allow her to be hospitalized. Her treatment was, however, disrupted as she was returned to prison against her doctor’s advice after 17 days. The authorities handcuffed her to the hospital bed for her first few days in hospital. They also had officers inside the room and at the door the entire time she was there, which is believed to have interfered with doctors undertaking examinations. The office of the Prosecutor General has been denying Narges Mohammadi the right to have access to her children for more than eight months. Her eight-year-old twins had to moved abroad to live with their father as there was no one to look after them in Iran. In February, she wrote an open letter to the Head of the Judiciary expressing concerns that the authorities were using her children in order to exert pressure on her. She also said, “The issue is very simple; I am a mother and I have a right to hear my children’s voice even if [this] mother has been found guilty in your opinion and that of the institution under your supervision.”


ADDITIONAL INFORMATION
Narges Mohammadi had begun serving a six-year jail sentence in April 2012, for “gathering and colluding to commit crimes against national security” and “spreading propaganda against the system” through her human rights activism. She was released three months later, after being granted leave from prison to obtain medical treatment for a health condition that caused partial paralysis, which was exacerbated by her imprisonment. She has also suffered from seizures and temporary loss of vision.
Before she was arrested in May 2015, Narges Mohammadi told Amnesty International, that her charges including “spreading propaganda against the system” and “gathering and colluding to commit crimes against national security” stemmed solely from her peaceful human rights activism. She said the “evidence” used against her included her media interviews, the fact that she had taken part in gatherings outside prisons before executions to support the families of death row prisoners, her connections with other human rights defenders and her March 2014 meeting with the European Union’s then High Representative for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy, Catherine Ashton. Narges Mohammadi has also been charged with “membership of an illegal organization whose aim is to harm national security”, because she set up a group campaigning against the death penalty in Iran, Step by Step to Stop the Death Penalty.
From Evin Prison, Narges Mohammadi wrote a letter to the Public Prosecutor of Tehran in October 2015, in which she explained how inhumanly and unfairly she was treated by the prison guards when she was transferred to the hospital for examinations and how her request for having a confidential consultation with her doctor was refused by the prison director. She wrote about her experience during the hospitalization, after she had suffered several seizures: “After 5 days, I finally was hospitalised. Since I was transferred from Evin to the hospital, I have been handcuffed, even when the doctor had to measure the blood pressure. As we entered the room, they immediately bound me to the bed, as a result, I was not able to lie down nor seat comfortably. Because of the nerves’ tension, my health got worse and worse. None cared of my protests and appeals. From 11 October until 18, I was denied any conversation, even with my parents. I was forbidden from going out of my room [..]. The door of the room was closed, so were the curtains.”
The Iranian authorities frequently return prisoners whom they transfer to hospital to prison without ensuring that they receive the medical care they need. (See: https://www.amnesty.org/en/documents/mde13/2508/2015/en/). Failing to provide adequate medical care to prisoners is a violation of Iran’s international human rights obligations. The denial of medical treatment may amount to a violation of the absolute prohibition of torture and other ill-treatment, under Article 7 of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, to which Iran is a state party. Article 12 of the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights, to which Iran is also a state party, specifically recognizes the right of every person to the highest attainable standard of physical and mental health. The UN Standard Minimum Rules for the Treatment of Prisoners (Mandela Rules) also state that prisons must provide adequate medical care to prisoners without discrimination (Rules 24-35). Rule 27(1) of the Mandela Rules provides that “Prisoners who require specialized treatment or surgery shall be transferred to specialized institutions or to civil hospitals.” 




PDF version :http://www.amnestyusa.org/sites/default/files/uaa10515_3.pdf
http://www.amnestyusa.org/get-involved/take-action-now/iran-release-narges-mohammadi-ua-10515
Leer más...

Russian Federation: DOMESTIC VIOLENCE 2/7


Since the adoption of amendments to the Penal Code of the Russian Federation in 2003, there has been a significant change in examining cases of domestic violence. Most of them have fallen into the category of private prosecution cases (Article 115, 116. Part1, Article 129 and Article 130 of the Penal Code of the Russian Federation). From the perspective of legislators, this is justified on the basis that these crimes affect the rights and interests of specific citizens and it depends on them whether or not criminal proceedings are initiated against the offenders. However, in practice, this has meant that victims have been left virtually without protection from the State. Article 20 of the Code of Criminal Procedure provides that private prosecution cases may be initiated only on the basis of the statement of the injured party and are subject to termination if the parties have reconciled. The case is considered opened when the aggrieved party files a complaint that meets the requirements set forth in Article 318 of the Code of Criminal Procedure of Russia with a magistrate. If the complaint meets the requirements, the magistrate initiates the proceedings and the injured party becomes a private claimant.

Thus, the aggrieved party in cases of private prosecution has to perform a dual role. On the one hand, as the victim, she is entitled to have her interests protected by the State. However, this depends solely on her will and is instigated only at her own volition. 

On the other hand, she has to act as a prosecutor, to present evidence, to formulate the charges and to seek the conviction of the guilty party. To serve as a prosecutor assumes knowledge of the prosecution process, the foundations of criminal law, the rules of gathering and presenting evidence. It is obvious that ordinary citizens do not possess such knowledge, and therefore are unable to properly present their case in court. When, in addition to issues raised above, the same question pertains to victims of domestic violence, a great role is played by the factors of post-traumatic stress, to which the victim is subject, as well as to the stage in the cycle of violence during which the complaint is filed. It should be noted that the victim usually continues to live with the abuser in one apartment, which gives him the opportunity to pressure and to intimidate her.

As a result, according to court statistics, the vast majority of cases of private complaint (90%) are terminated for two reasons: (1) The failure to fulfil the court's requirements to resolve the shortcomings of the complaint; (2) The reconciliation of the parties.

Typically, at the stage of filing the complaint, victims are unable to fulfil all the requirements, not only because of legal ignorance, but because of post-traumatic stress disorder as a result of the act of violence. This happens because the complaints are usually filed immediately after the violence has occurred, while at that time the cycle of violence is passing into the stage of repentance by the abuser and forgiveness (reconciliation) by the victim.  Women feeling guilty and believing the words of the abuser that violence will not happen again, remove the complaint and agree to reconciliation.

Thus, treatment of most cases of domestic violence as cases of private prosecutions contributes to impunity for crimes committed against women and leads to tragedies.

For instance, in August 2015 Oleg Belov, man from Nizhny Novgorod, killed and dismembered his six children, all younger than 6, and his wife, Julia Zaytseva. All had been hacked to pieces with an axe and bundled into plastic bags in their apartment. In 2014 и 2015 Julia Zaytseva repeatedly (no less than six times) appealed to the police reporting perpetration of violence against herself and her children on the part of her husband. However, police could not initiate a criminal case as the abovementioned incidents are classified as cases of private prosecution.   

In the General Recommendation No. 19 of the Convention the Committee Stated that State parties should ensure that laws against family violence and abuse and other forms of gender-based violence give adequate protection to all women, and respect their integrity and dignity (§ 24 (b)). The Russian Federation has not adopted comprehensive legislation aimed at prevention and efficient investigation of domestic violence, provision of comprehensive support to the victims and compensation.

Nevertheless, the State party has not implemented even a minimum set of measures aimed at prevention domestic violence and protection its' victims. The Federal Law on the protection from such form of violence, even though being widely discussed by civil society, has not been passed so far. Therefore, the term “domestic violence” as well as the comprehensive system, specifically designed to address victims' needs, are merely absent in the national legislation. Not every form of domestic violence is punishable under the Criminal Code and the Code of Administrative offences of the Russian Federation, namely some forms of insults and threats, harassment, economic and psychological violence, and others. Likewise, stalking is not considered as a form of illegal conduct and does not lead to any sanctions or restrictions for the one who performs it. No protective measures can be requested by the victim in such circumstances. There's also no definition of “stalking” in the national legislation


The other significant components that are to be included in the system of response to domestic violence are specific training for professionals dealing with cases of domestic violence and coordinated interagency cooperation. These components are fragmentarily present in several regions of Russia and can serve as models for the state system of response. For example, in Yekaterinburg and the Sverdlovsk Region the regional court is the core of interagency cooperation at the regional level in terms of responding to cases of domestic violence against women.      



This report is prepared by a group of experts under leadership of “ANNA” Centre for the Prevention of Violence. The Report covers areas of concern in regards to women’s rights especially violence against women with assessment of the state system of tackling violent incidents against women, hence the emphasis in the report on the analysis of the current law and practice.

The monitoring was conducted in Russia in 2010—2015. The monitoring results do not claim to be comprehensive; however, they do provide a general assessment of the situation, identify key problems and trends, evaluate the steps taken to resolve them and analyse existing obstacles. The list of violent incidents contained in the report is neither exhaustive nor representative; however it is a vivid illustration of the nature and scope of violence committed against women in Russia.


 Drawing by Violeta Doval Henández

Leer más...

Sunday, April 17, 2016

Russian Federation: DOMESTIC VIOLENCE 1/7



DOMESTIC VIOLENCE*

According to CEDAW, the Russian Federation is obliged to take all appropriate measures to eliminate discrimination against women by any person, organization or enterprise (article 2 (e)) and to take all appropriate measures, including legislation, to modify or abolish existing laws, regulations, customs and practices which constitute discrimination against women (article 2 (f)).

The Convention also requires that the state modify the social and cultural patterns of conduct of men and women, with a view to achieving the elimination of prejudices and customary and all other practices which are based on the idea of the inferiority or the superiority of either of the sexes or on stereotyped roles for men and women (article 5 (a)).

Article 16 (1) of the Convention obliges the states to take all appropriate measures to eliminate discrimination against women in all matters relating to marriage and family relations.

Scale of the problem

Statistical data on crimes of domestic violence against women is fragmental and difficult to obtain. At the same time according to the statistics of the Ministry of Internal Affaires women were 74% among of all victims of domestic violence in 2013, and in 91% of cases violence was committed by a husband.

Lack of knowledge and understanding of women’s human rights and system of response contributes to impunity for crimes committed against women. According to ANNA statistics (2014), 72% of women that turned to the National help line for women suffering from domestic violence never sought help from the police. Of those women who did 80% were unsatisfied with police response.  

System of response

                   Despite the work done to combat violence against women in Russia over the last 20 years, a systemic approach at government level does not exist. We are deeply concerned by the high level of violence against women in families, by the number of murdered women and by the latency of sexual violence. 

Agencies involved in the response to domestic violence in Russia are police, social services, judges and healthcare settings.

                   Social services are currently the main entry point for survivors of domestic violence into the state response system. According to the data of the Ministry of Labour and Social Protection, in 2013 there were 1,333 social services providing assistance to women in a “difficult life situation”. Domestic violence is included in this category. However, the concept of a "social services" establishment includes not only specialized crisis centres and social shelters, but rather a wide range of agencies: social assistance centres for family and children; centres for psychological and pedagogical assistance to the population; centres for emergency telephone psychological assistance; social rehabilitation centres for juveniles, etc. Thus, there are a vast variety of social problems addressed through these agencies where services for women victims of violence are only a small part. Indeed only 42 are shelters that offer specialized assistance to women who are victims of domestic violence. Some of these combine the extension of assistance to victims of domestic violence with helping other categories of women like underage mothers. Another obstacle in access to services is that in order to get a place at a shelter women have to be residents of that region.

Main obstacles in decreasing violence

Lack of legal protection
Another important agency in the state system of response to domestic violence cases is police. However, in Russia under the existing legislation it is difficult to prosecute cases of domestic violence (even physical violence, which has ensuing visible evidence).
Currently domestic violence is not recognized as a separate offence by the Russian Criminal Code. The only applicable criminal provisions are those relating to bodily injuries or other crimes.  Thus, acts of violence against women in the family, like any violent crime against a person, are punishable under Part VII of the Russian Criminal Code (crimes against the person):
            - Article 112 (intentional causing of average gravity harm to health);
            - Article 115 (intentional causing of minor harm to health);
            - Article 116 (beating);
            - Article 119 (threat of homicide or of causing grave harm to health)

None of the above-mentioned articles takes into consideration the relationship between a perpetrator and a victim.

Repeated acts of violence against the same person are not specifically criminalized under Russian law. Article 18 of the Russian Criminal Code excludes "records of convictions for intentional crimes of small gravity" or of conditional sentences to be taken into account when considering recidivism of crimes. Only Article 117 of the Russian Criminal Code (torture, the causing of physical or mental suffering by means of the systematic infliction of beatings or other forcible actions) takes into consideration the following aggravating circumstances: the victim is a minor, apparently helpless "or materially or otherwise dependent on the guilty person". However, this article is rarely invoked. The justice system considers violence committed in a public place against a stranger, to be a much greater social danger than the same actions committed within a family against relatives.

Thus, domestic violence is not considered to be a crime against society, but continues to be treated as a private family matter.

The main obstacle to obtaining justice for victims is that most cases of domestic violence are brought as private prosecutions.



This report is prepared by a group of experts under leadership of “ANNA” Centre for the Prevention of Violence. The Report covers areas of concern in regards to women’s rights especially violence against women with assessment of the state system of tackling violent incidents against women, hence the emphasis in the report on the analysis of the current law and practice.
The monitoring was conducted in Russia in 2010—2015. The monitoring results do not claim to be comprehensive; however, they do provide a general assessment of the situation, identify key problems and trends, evaluate the steps taken to resolve them and analyse existing obstacles. The list of violent incidents contained in the report is neither exhaustive nor representative; however it is a vivid illustration of the nature and scope of violence committed against women in Russia.


 Drawing by Violeta Doval Henández

Leer más...

Thursday, April 14, 2016

Domestic violence legislation in Bangladesh.


English Version of the Domestic Violence (Prevention and Protection) Act, 2010

An Act to provide as a signatory state of the United Nations Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women, 1979 and the Convention on the Children’s Right, 1989 and to establish equal rights for women and children guaranteed in the Constitution of the People’s Republic of Bangladesh prevention of domestic violence, protection of women and children from domestic  violence and for matters connected therewith or incidental thereto. 

 In the link below to find out domestic violence legislation in Bangladesh.

http://mowca.portal.gov.bd/sites/default/files/files/mowca.portal.gov.bd/page/203db6dc_7c82_4aa0_98a6_8672334b235c/Domestic%20Violence%20Act%20English.pdf 


https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Child_labour_in_Bangladesh
Leer más...

Wednesday, March 30, 2016

Hortence Lougué

Ouagadougou, January 13, 2016, Leila Alaoui

She empowers through education.

Hortence Lougué’s Association d’appui et d’eveil PUGSADA works on gender-based violence, education and human rights. She works with young girls and women who have been forced into marriage, including at a very young age, or have suffered female genital mutilation.


Her organisation also supports education for girls who face early and forced marriage.

http://www.amnesty.ca/blog/early-and-forced-marriage-burkina-faso
Leer más...

Saturday, March 26, 2016

Angèle Gondombo

Ouagadougou, January 12, 2016, Leila Alaoui


She is working for an independent future.

24-year-old Angèle Gondombo and her 3-year-old son have been at a shelter in Ouagadougou for a year. Banished by her family when she fell pregnant, Angèle was taken in by an aunt but as she did not want to be a burden on her aunt, she confided in a priest who brought her to the shelter. She earns a living as a waitress in the shelter’s restaurant and dreams of running her own restaurant in the future.

The statistics tell a sobering tale. Burkina Faso has the 7th highest rate of child marriage in the world. More than half of all women were married before the age of 18 and 10% before age 15. Some girls as young as 11 are forced into marriage. Burkina Faso also has one of the world’s lowest rates ofcontraceptive use – only 17% of women. Many are denied contraception or use it in secret, out of fearof their husbands or in-laws.The end result is that by the time they are 19 years old, most girls are married, and nearly half of them are already mothers. They are raising children when they are still children themselves, in a country withone of the highest rates of maternal death in the world.


https://www.amnesty.ca/blog/early-and-forced-marriage-burkina-faso
Leer más...

Thursday, March 10, 2016

IN HONOR OF WOMEN


IN HONOR OF WOMEN

The Women Who Walk Miles To Feed Their Families
Thank You
Women Who Love When No Love Is Returned
Thank You
Women Who Dance The Stories Of The Ancients
Thank You
Women Who Lose Their Children And Keep On Going
Thank You
Women Who Speak Their Truth To Educate Others
Thank You
Women Of Beauty Who Know Their Power Is To Share
Thank You
Women Who Mother When Mothering Is Called Upon For Healing
Thank You
Women Who Love Men Enough To Respect Their Differences
Thank You
Women Who Love Themselves Enough To Come Forward
Thank You
Women Who Know The Truth Of Their Soul
Thank You
In Honor Of You
We Honor Women
And Say
Thank You


Copyright Joana Ukali

Leer más...

Monday, March 7, 2016

International Women's Day 2016




The 2016 theme for International Women’s Day is “Planet 50-50 by 2030: Step It Up for Gender Equality”. The United Nations observance on 8 March will reflect on how to accelerate the 2030 Agenda, building momentum for the effective implementation of the new Sustainable Development Goals. It will equally focus on new commitments under UN Women’s Step It Up initiative, and other existing commitments on gender equality, women’s empowerment and women’s human rights.

http://www.unwomen.org/en/news/in-focus/international-womens-day


Leer más...

CHINA MAKES DOMESTIC ABUSE A CRIME


Critics say legislation does not go far enough in country where violence at home is widely regarded a private matter.
         
A new law that makes domestic abuse a crime has come into effect in China.

It is hoped the legislation will encourage more victims to take their abusers to court in a country where violence at home is still widely regarded as a private matter.

The All-China Women's Federation estimates that nearly 25 percent of married women in China have experienced domestic violence. But the real figure is probably much higher, because reporting abuse is still rare - especially in the countryside.

"From today victims of domestic abuse will be able to go to court to seek a restraining order that could force the abuser to move out of the home. A judge will have 72 hours to make a ruling," Al Jazeera's China correspondent Adrian Brown reported.

"But critics say the legislation still doesn't go far enough, since it fails to outlaw marital rape and doesn't place enough emphasis on health and social services."

The new law "prohibits all forms of domestic violence", which it defines as: "Physical, psychological and other harm inflicted by family members, including beating, restraint, injury or arbitrary deprivation of liberty, recurring verbal threats and abuse", according to Chinese state media.

The police are now required to intervene immediately when abuse is reported, to stop it at once and collect related evidence. Officers must also help victims obtain treatment and medical reports.

The legislation covers both married and co-habiting couples.

NEED TO SEE RESULTS

Lawyer Zhu Wencai, who has been dealing with domestic violence cases for more than 20 years, said the new law would help - but worried there was too much onus on the police to respond.

"I think this new law will definitely play an very important role in reducing the number of domestic violence cases. But more important is how to enforce the law. We need to see results soon," Zhu told Al Jazeera.

Xia Ling, a former domestic violence victim, told Al Jazeera how her ex-husband was careful not to mark her face, focusing his kicks and punches on her arms, legs and back.

She said she went to hospital twice, and gave up on getting help from the police after officers told her the beatings were a family issue.

"They said they could not intervene in a family issue. So they didn't take any action," she said.

After she filed for divorce, her husband and mother came and took her son away. She has not seen him for two years.

Before the new law on domestic violence was approved, there were no specific laws related to abuse within the family. But the issue was included in laws such as the Marriage Law and the Law on the Protection of the Rights and Interests of Women.
01 March 2016 - 


Leer más...

Thursday, March 3, 2016

The right to freedom of education 9/9


 40. The principle of non-discrimination that obliges the State to provide free and compulsory education (the right to education as a social right) entails another aspect of the right to education, which puts it more on a par with the classic individual freedoms: the right to freedom of education. A quality education should not only aim to enable all persons to participate effectively in a free society (article 13, paragraph 1, of the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights) but should also be based on personal freedom, i.e. on “a multiplicity of educational supply”. This aspect is stressed by the human rights instruments. All education policy should take account of “the best interests of the child” and the responsibility for educating children falls first and foremost on parents.38 As far as the current discussion is concerned, this personal dimension has several aspects and raises a number of problems. Let us consider two of these


(a) Non-discrimination and the choice of institutions other than those established by the public authorities

41. All the relevant instruments contain more or less detailed provisions regarding freedom of education; it is clear from these that education is not a State monopoly, but the State has to ensure respect for the principle of non-discrimination, including non-discrimination on racial grounds.

(i) Education is not a State monopoly 

42. The relevant provisions are similar in that they establish the principle of multiplicity of educational supply and, consequently, freedom of choice.39 The classic provision in this regard is contained in article 13, paragraph 3, of the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights. However, unlike in the case of minorities and religious groups, these provisions seem to be general in their scope ratione persona, which does not have any particular application to racial or ethnic groups; private education is a response to very varied needs. However, bearing in mind the flexible definition of the concept of minority and the overlap between race and religion, there is nothing to stop a racial group from claiming the freedom either to establish an educational system or to choose a given institution, always provided that they observe the internationally established rules contained in these instruments

 43. This freedom is very important, particularly in extreme situations, since education may be the ideal vector for all forms of intolerance and totalitarianism if it is based on a particular ideology or it is a State monopoly, or if it is based on an official view that is imposed on the children in the State system.

44. Lastly, according to well-established case law, the State does not act in a discriminatory fashion if the subsidies it provides to private schools are lower than those granted to the public education system, or even if it does not subsidize the private system at all.43 Consequently, for the purposes of this study, ethnic and religious minorities, for example, cannot claim a right from the State in this respect. However, as the Committee on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights states in its General Comment No. 13, “if a State elects to make a financial contribution to private educational institutions, it must do so without discrimination” (E/C.12/1999/10, para. 54). The Human Rights Committee takes the same view, on the basis of article 26 of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights.

 (ii) Respect for the principle of non-discrimination

45. The establishment and maintenance of private schools, and the privatization of education in general, may result in the ghettoization of certain ethnic groups and perpetuate a lack of understanding and fear of others, and may be a potential source of conflict between communities. A balance needs to be struck between, on the one hand, the establishment of a public education system and the fundamental principle of free education as a basic guarantee of equality, and, on the other hand, individuals’ freedom to choose the kind of education that is appropriate to their beliefs or their membership of an ethnic group. Such a balance can be achieved only by respecting the principle of non-discrimination, which, if it is guaranteed by the State, makes it possible to ensure equality of opportunity for all individuals and groups, whatever their ethnic or religious affiliation (see General Comment No. 13, E/C.12/1999/10, para. 30). There are three aspects to this principle.


46. The first aspect is of a general nature. Freedom of education is guaranteed on condition that the aims of education established in these instruments are observed. The aim is to “promote understanding, tolerance and friendship among all nations and all racial, ethnic or religious groups ...” (International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights, article 13, paragraph 1). Clearly, then, it is not only the State that has obligations regarding the content of education, but all who occupy positions of responsibility within a country’s educational system.


47. The second aspect relates to the standard of education provided in these establishments, which should “conform to such minimum educational standards as may be laid down or approved by the State”. The yardstick here is the standard of education provided in public institutions as regards, for example, admission, curricula and the recognition of certificates (see General Comment No. 13, E/C.12/1999/10, para. 30). Failure to comply with this principle may constitute prohibited discrimination.

48. The third aspect emerges by converse implication from article 2 (c) of the 1960 UNESCO Convention, concerning non-discriminatory situations. The aim of establishing or maintaining this type of education must not be “to secure the exclusion of any group but to provide educational facilities in addition to those provided by the public authorities”

(b) Freedom of education, religious education and religious intolerance 
.49 Private schools therefore complement public education in cases where the public system does not provide teaching of or in the language and of the religion of an ethnic or religious minority.(b) Freedom of education, religious education and religious intolerance . In many instruments, religious education is seen as a projection of freedom of conscience, which is itself the basis of freedom of education. That explains why the reference to religious education is encapsulated within provisions on educational freedom. The most comprehensive provision in that regard is article 5, paragraph 1 (b), of the 1960 UNESCO Convention, which reads:

“It is essential to respect the liberty of parents …, secondly, to ensure in a manner consistent with the procedures followed in the State for the application of its legislation, the religious and moral education of the children in conformity with their own convictions; and no person or group of persons should be compelled to receive religious instruction inconsistent with his or their convictions”. Accordingly, the principle of non-discrimination implies in this case two distinct kinds of obligation falling upon the State.
50. The first, purely passive obligation (that of non-interference), deriving from the implementation of educational pluralism, is that of respect for the liberty of parents practising minority religions to choose for their children private institutions offering an education in conformity with their convictions, provided that the instruction given meets minimum quality standards.

 51. The second obligation seems to concern public establishments and lays upon the State two requirements of widely varying stringency. Firstly, the State is required to take the necessary measures, through appropriate modalities of implementation, to provide within its own educational system for the religious education of children in accordance with their parents’ convictions and therefore those of minority religious groups. The wording of article 5, paragraph 1 (b), of the 1960 UNESCO Convention does not state what modalities are meant they may relate to the teachers recruited to provide this type of instruction, or the teaching manuals and tools, or again the class time reserved for such instruction. Secondly, the liberty enjoyed by the parents entails for the State the obligation to protect the denominational pluralism of individuals and groups against any domination by one specific religion such as would compel them “to receive religious instruction inconsistent with … their convictions”.

 52. In its General Comment No. 13 the Committee on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights presents some very useful further considerations already formulated in 1993 by the Human Rights Committee in its General Comment No. 22 on article 18 of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (right to freedom of thought, conscience and religion).

53. First, as to the scope of the obligation “to ensure the religious and moral education of … children in conformity with their [parents’] convictions” contained in article 13, paragraph 3, of the Covenant, the Committee makes it clear that this obligation applies to public establishments and permits, for instance, “instruction in subjects such as the general history of religion and ethics if it is given in an unbiased and objective way, respectful of the freedoms of opinion, conscience and expression”. The qualitative criteria for absence of bias and for objectivity are not indicated, but it is respect for plurality of convictions in classes and schools, as also the dictates of scientific neutrality inherent in any educative function, which constitute the essential guarantees of such instruction. Thus, if the instruction conveys a historically negative image of a religion, or transmits a biased and scientifically unfounded interpretation of historical facts, or resorts to “invidious distinctions” or “value judgements” with regard to a people or a minority on the grounds of its beliefs or traditional religious practices, that instruction is neither impartial nor objective. It will not always be easy, of course, to say where non-objective reporting of a historical fact begins. Some facts may be the subject of controversy among those who have written the history of a people or a religion. The educational context and, the teacher’s personality, origin, training and culture are as important in this respect as the content of the message addressed to the pupils. Whatever the ethnic or religious mix at the school, the teacher must maintain strict neutrality and refrain from putting forward any philosophical or religious opinion that might be detrimental to the freedom of conscience of the children and the educational role of the parents.

54. At the quantitative level, General Comment No. 13 is more useful. The Committee “notes that public education that includes instruction in a particular religion or belief is inconsistent with article 13 (3) unless provision is made for non-discriminatory exemptions or alternatives that would accommodate the wishes of parents and guardians” (E/C.12/1999/10, para. 28). This protection is not always easy to put into effect, for it may be in competition with other principles laid down in international law or constituting the very foundations of education in some States. Two examples relating to a particular notion of religion and religious freedom may serve to illustrate this difficulty.

55. The first, reported by Katarina Tomaševski, Special Rapporteur on the right to education, concerns the attitude of certain parents adhering to minority religions who consider the prohibition by the host State of corporal punishment of schoolchildren as an infringement of their right to provide for their children’s education according to their religious convictions and as amounting to a threat of indoctrination of children against their parents’ convictions (E/CN.4/1999/49, para. 68). In their decisions on the case the European Commission of Human Rights and particularly the Committee on the Rights of the Child rejected this interpretation as incompatible (according to that Committee) with the Convention on the Rights of the Child.60 In general, as rightly noted by the Committee on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights in its General Comment No. 13, “corporal punishment is inconsistent with the fundamental guiding principle of international human rights law enshrined in the Preambles to the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and both Covenants: the dignity of the individual” (E/C.12/1999/10, para. 41).

56. The second example can be put in the form of a question - which indeed has been raised in France in highly polemical terms and with much media coverage - concerning the principle of the secular nature of the Republic in general and the school system in particular, on the one hand, and freedom of conscience on the other. Are or are not the wearing by pupils of signs of membership of a religious community and, by extension, the practice of certain rites, compatible with the very rationale and functioning of the public school system and do they warrant restrictive measures or even expulsion of the pupils concerned? Asked for a formal opinion, the French Council of State has given a very hedged answer, appealing extensively to international provisions, but highlighting the complexity of the question and the imperative need for prudence in this area.

57. In its opinion dated 27 November 1989, the Council of State first defined what was meant by “secular” and then, on the basis of that definition, to which we shall return, clearly stated the principle that “the wearing of religious signs is not in itself incompatible with the secular principle”.61 The applicability of this principle is not absolute; the Council of State makes it subject to conditions some of which evoke the international instruments on the subject. The wearing of religious signs: (a) must respect the liberty of others and therefore excludes the wearing of signs whose ostentatious or assertive nature would amount to an act of pressure or provocation, proselytism, or propaganda; (b) must not be detrimental to the dignity or freedom of the pupil or of other members of the school community, nor jeopardize their health or safety; (c) does not exempt pupils from their scholastic duties and must not interfere with teaching activities; (d) must not disturb public order or the normal functioning of the public education system.

58. The conditions laid down are, as we can see, numerous; they are based on principles so universal as to preclude any local specificity: respect for public order, for scholastic duties, for the freedom of others, and for dignity. It is, on the other hand, the premises of the Council of State’s argument which are liable to stir a debate in regard to the subject of this study. The question is simple: must public education, in particular at the primary and secondary levels, be secular, and do the requirements of secularity, the conditions of which must be defined, haveimplications for the public school as a place where differences are respected? Can a religious type of education be provided and encouraged by the State in public establishments which are by definition open to all children?

 59. It would seem that if secularity is defined as “the legal expression of a political notion that implies separation between civil society and religious society”62 and if in the educational field it is taken to mean the absence of any connection with religion, in regard either to the curriculum or to the conduct of the teachers, it becomes decidedly inopportune to transpose it to contexts other than those in which it developed. In many countries religious education (often meaning instruction in the dominant religion) constitutes one of the essential features of the public school system and it seems quite absurd to argue in terms of the secularity of society in general and schools in particular. However, that is not the only way to look at secularity. According to one author, it means “above all respect for freedom of conscience, including religious freedom” and “there is no opposition between religious freedom and secularity”. Transcending national divergencies, it is this second aspect which we find in the constitutions of many States, including those where a religion is proclaimed as religion of State or of the State, as also in most of the relevant international instruments. And that is what matters, far more than theoretical or conceptual debates on the ideological underpinnings of education.

http://www.unhchr.ch/Huridocda/Huridoca.nsf/0/daa1576d690994e1c1256a57003417a0/$FILE/G0113802.pdf
Leer más...